The Political and Socio-Economic Involvement of Muslim Women’s Organisations in Indonesia: The Case of Fatayat and Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama

Fatayat and Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama are among the autonomous bodies within the NU. Their contribution to Indonesian development is undeniable. They have taken on a number of roles of socio-economic and political importance, before, during and after independence. The Nahdlatul Ulama was first established in 1926. From that time forward, many different discussions and considerations were developed separately with or without the need to establish of its autonomous bodies. Muslimat NU was established in 1946, followed by the Fatayat NU in Surabaya, April 20, 1950, while as women’s autonomous bodies of the NU, both organizations face the same problems as other Indonesian Muslim women organizations. Ten years after its establishment in 1`956, Muslimat was active in KOWANI (Kongres Wanita Indonesia, The Indonesian Women’s Congress), while Fatayat NU joined the latter in 1990’s. Meanwhile Muslimat NU played an important role in the establishment of BMOIWI (Badan Musyawarah Organisasi Islam Wanita Indonesia, The Council of Indonesian Muslim Women’s Organizations) in 1967. Muslimat and Fatayat NU have their own statues, offices and committees, starting from their Central Board in Jakarta down to village levels in remote areas. They here established different programs, though in many branches especially in rural areas, they work together. In addition to their socio-religious activities, Muslimat NU develops Maternity Hospitals (Rumah Sakit Bersalin) and Kindergartens, whereas Fatayat NU strengthens their programs with regard to empowering of [young Muslim] women in their domestic life as well as in public arena, and by developing related programs for the health of children under five years of age, religious consultation and counseling.
In the time of the Old Order, Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular did not have many opportunities to make their particular abilities known to their male fellow citizens in the national political agenda. Their “conventional activities” were perhaps not yet recognized as a meaningful contribution to the country. These activities are still largely seen as peripheral participation. During the pre-independence era, women’s organizations were operated outside the colonial system; therefore they had relatively the same objective as their male counterparts, which was Indonesian independence. While in the post independence era, however they have become part of the political system, they are repeatedly expected and asked to strengthen the existing system and in turn, forced to give up more of their freedom. However, during Liberal Democracy (Constitutional Democracy) from 1950 to 1957, eighteen women were elected as members of the first Indonesian parliament: four from the Nahdlatul Ulama, four from Masyumi (Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, The Consultative Council for Indonesian Muslims), four women from the Indonesian Nationalist Party, five from PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), and one from the Indonesian Socialist Party
In 1972, the government instated new regulations in order to simplify Indonesian political parties into three parties. At this time Indonesian women activism in political parties such as in Golkar (The Functional Group), PPP (The United Development Party) and PDI (The Indonesian Democratic Party) was of a relatively low percentage. In term of quantity, there has been considerable improvement in the numbers of women, both in the General Assembly and the Parliament while qualitatively it remains unsatisfactory. Why? Because women’s success are not counted as merely their own achievement. They are allowed to get involved, but generally at subordinate or second-class levels, while the leadership is still dominated by male-oriented policies. As a matter of fact the percentage of female voters are higher than male ones (52%: 48%). In 1971 there were 6,7% women in parliament while in 1987 it increased to 11,8%. However, this situation does not help to bring women’s issues to the forefront. Ironically not a single party raises women’s issues as part of its platform.
The PPP has relatively impressive Muslim women politicians such as Aisyah Amini (Wanita Islam) and Asmah Syahruni (Muslimat NU). While Megawati Sukarnoputri is from PDI, she is however, a Muslim by birth. To my knowledge, PDI people do not judge Mega from the perspective of gender. Her appearance seems to be important as a figure of Sukarno’s daughter. Golongan Karya has women divisions in every subordinate of its committees however, we may notice that they have relatively fewer strong women Muslim “politicians” than are found in other political parties. We may mention here Marwah Daud Ibrahim. It might be noted here that the present representatives of Muslimat NU are Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi in Golkar, Machfudlah Ali Ubaid and Umroh Machfudlah in the PPP, Khofifah Indar Parawangsa in Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa [at present she is appointed as the Minister of empowerment of women and the BKKBN] and Asmah Syahruni in Partai Kebangkitan Umat.
Muslim women’s organisations have had to face other obstacles as well. In the time of the New Order for example, all Islamic parties were fused into one political party, the PPP. The government did not allow this group to use the term Islam. At this stage the Islamic party was being tamed. But this strategy proved to be ineffective to reduce Islamic influence. The Ka‘ba (the sacred cube in Mecca as its emblem) symbol still indicates Islam and therefore, it was still able to secure the Muslim vote. In 1982 general election the PPP still competed relatively strongly against Golkar. The government however, was not satisfied until it had compelled the Islamic party to renounce its religious principles and to adopt the state ideology of Pancasila as its basic principle. The holy Ka‘ba was therefore, replaced by a star as its symbol. The PPP is therefore, no longer officially a Muslim political federation, rather it is an open party like any other.
After the New Order, 1999 as a new era for political parties in Indonesia, Muslim women remained involved and are trying to be active too. Most of the members of Muslimat and Fatayat NU are active in Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB), some of them are in the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), but only a few in other political parties such as Partai Kebangkitan Umat (PKU) Partai Nahdlatul Ummat (PNU) and Partai Solidaritas Uni Nasional Indonesia (SUNI).
Concerning the influence of the state’s policy on women, we may say here when the new order began the process of restructuring political life in Indonesia in 1972 that the regime simplified the political parties and strengthened its control over every mass organization, without exception. The women’s movement was also affected by this policy. In 1974, all women’s organizations within government and public institutions were replaced by government-sponsored organizations. Dharma Wanita was established to replace all such organizations within the government itself, while the wives’ organization of the armed forces were replaced by Dharma Pertiwi. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) was founded to control women in local administrations. In the same year the government started to give funding to KOWANI, and this resulted in the state strengthening its control over the latter. According to Sullivan, these organizations reinforce the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that has located women as secondary citizens. In addition, the government has placed more burdens on women by reinforcing their dual role in the state’s guidelines (GBHN) 1978, in which women are expected to fulfill their “essential nature” as housewives and the educators of the younger generation. To some extent this phenomenon affects Muslimat and Fatayat due to the fact that many of them are the wives of either government employees or the armed forces. Since the majority of them are in private sectors these organizations, once again can maintain their survival. Despite the establishment of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (1978 with a deputy minister and a full minister in 1983), there was some doubt over the capabilities of this ministry to handle women’s issues. The doubt for this institution came about because it used to have minister from the chairship of KOWANI, but then since the last period of Suharto’s era to that of Habibie’s, they changed the policy so that it went outside the KOWANI’s chairship. At present the ministry is led by a figure of Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa and just last month she was elected as the general chair-person of central board of Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama.
These events show us how the existing political system has obviously influenced the political attitude of Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular e.g. from broad and open horizons to narrower oriented objectives which, to some extent, do not assist them in many ways. Fortunately women are not simply passive victims of this kind of repression. They have struggled in many different ways to eliminate this oppression. The constraints changed into challenges that encouraged them to establish new women movements in the 1980s. Soendari identifies three types of movements as follows: the first Liberal women’s movements, such as Gerakan Kesadaran Perempuan (Women’s Consciousness Movement), Kelompok Kebangkitan Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Awakening Group), and Kalyanamitra. The second was NGO women’s movements, which focused on the economic position of rural women, for example, YASANTI (Yayasan Annisa Swasti). The third and last type included women students’ associations such as Forum Perempuan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Women’s Forum), Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity) and Yayasan Perempuan Mardhika (Association of Women’s Independence). A common goal of these new movements was to search for a way to challenge the repressive New Order.
The struggle of Muslim women should be mentioned here. They have been actively involved in the attempt to improve the position of women’s throughout the country. Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi mentions that prior to the emergence of marriage legislation in 1974, Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam and Aisyiyah contributed greatly to abolishing child marriage, which had been permitted by the former Islamic marriage legislation in accordance with fiqh. Among other Muslim women’s organizations, Muslimat NU has been involved in initiating the establishment of the Advisory Council of marriages and Repudiations (Badan Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian), which aims to empower women before the courts. In an Indonesian context this effort has been very meaningful, especially for women in rural areas.
As mentioned above, the Muslimat NU has actively participated in emphasizing the importance of higher learning for women, in providing health care centers and in improving earning capacity. In the educational sector Muslimat has established kindergartens throughout the country. They also provide vocational schools for girls, such as home economic schools, teacher’s colleges, schools for midwives, and nursing schools. In the health sector, Muslimat is runs maternity clinics and hospitals to assist women with pregnancy, family planning, and to improve the health of mothers and babies. Fatayat NU, as part of the younger generation, focuses more on promoting the ideas and messages of Islamic teaching within the women’s health issues and their rights in terms of their preparation before marriage and afterwards. They provide gender awareness training, reproductive health training and leadership exercises. With the collaboration of Indonesian government and UNICEF, Fatayat NU has successfully trained about 5000 motivators in 16 provinces to be health motivators in their child survival program. In the economic sector, Muslimat and Fatayat provide Kelompok Bina Usaha, groups that train women to improve their skills in home economics, marketing and accessing bank loans.
Muslimat NU has been active at the International Conference of Women, (ICW) and at The National Commission on the Status of Indonesian Women (KNKWI). Fatayat and Muslimat NU have established cooperative groups, namely Annisa in collaboration with the Department of Cooperative of the Republic of Indonesia. Fatayat NU, in its section on social and economy, among others, have made great efforts to establish cooperative institutions, to develop home industry and provide female employment of the Fatayat members in particular and for women in the village in general. Fatayat also pays attention to female workers in the work place especially to provide them access to communication and information. They try to establish the relationship with the Indonesian Cooperative Council (Dewan Koperasi Indonesia) as well as Badan Kontak Wanita Koperasi.
In terms of its recommendations for economic matters, Fatayat NU requests the government not to apply “economic monopoly” to a certain group which has strong and large capital but rather to prioritize the weak group in order to minimize the economic and social gaps in society. It is important to enforce economic justice by limiting the scope of luxury entertainments and sports in order to avoid the processes of marginality and poverty. Fatayat NU also requests that the process of education for the cooperative institution, especially in terms of financial sources, is given equally to those under the government structure or in the private sector. Industrialization should not remove the income of grass root people.
Muslimat NU has also a section in their program, namely a section on economy/cooperative. The minister of Cooperative of the Republic of Indonesia has always given his own address to the National Congress of Muslimat and Fatayat NU, for their congresses were held at the same time and in the same place for example Mr. Bustanul Arifin in 1989 and Subiakto Tjakrawerdaya in 1995. In July 1994, Muslimat and Fatayat NU, in conjunction with AIDAB (the Australian International Assistance Bureau), had performed training for fruit and vegetable traders and Muslimat alone has been working with the Indosat corporation to provide loans for small traders in Jakarta.
The 1990s is a significant period for Muslim women in Indonesia. During these years new Muslims forums and groups were established and new Islamic books, which are more liberating to women, were published. Muslimat, Fatayat and IPPNU (The Association of NU’s Daughters) in Jakarta have set up a forum on Islam and the advancement of women. In 1994, Pustaka Bandung publishers simultaneously published Indonesian translations of three books: Women in Islam, by Fatima Mernissi, Women in the Qur’an, by Aminah Wadud Muhsin, and Muslim Women and Social Pathology, by Mazhar al-Haq Khan. Indonesian women’s activists had an opportunity to have dialogue with Ashgar Ali Engineer, the author of The Rights of Women in Islam, and with Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani-American Muslim feminist, who is constructing a new interpretation of the Qur’a>n from a woman’s perspective.
In this era some women political figures have appeared, although education, economic, health and social welfare programs are still considered as suitable female dominated fields. In educational programs for example, stress is still placed on non-formal education and not on non-traditional fields, such as engineering and the physical and natural sciences. In addition, the conventional interpretation of the holy Qur’a>n and H}adi>th with regard to some women’s issues, supported by traditional understandings, still dominate the field and do not help to improve the status of Muslim women.
On the other hand, there are many influential and prominent Islamic leaders who support the emergence of a more liberating interpretation of Islamic teachings. We may mention here Nurcholish Majid, Abdurrahman Wahid, and others. Quraisy Shihab, who has been a religious supervisor for the Islamic daily newspaper, Republika, has played an important role in creating a new, modern and more acceptable interpretation of Islamic discourse concerning women issues.
The Central Board of Fatayat NU, together with Masdar Farid Mas’udi of P3M and Kalyanamitra have trained female santris in some provinces for gender awareness training and reproductive health programs, projects that directly focused on actual women issues. In pesantren of Maslakul Huda, in Pati Central Java for example, the training includes as their main presenter, the wife of Kiyai Sahal Mahfudz the leader of Pesantren, to explain to the trainee how important the role of women in developing the pesantren has been, especially her role to educate female santris in particular and other tasks within the pesantren in general, as a part of the mission of the institution. These figures acknowledge that the conventional interpretation of the Qur’a>n is based on textual interpretation and often misses the real intention of the verse. They believe that the real intention of scripture is to guarantee the equality of all humans, that they all are the same before God. These institutions understand that to interpret the Qur’a>n, one should look at the cultural and historical context, not only at the context of Arabia in the seventh century but also the specific event for which a particular part of the Qur’a>n was revealed.
This kind of activities then developed by Fatayat NU, working together with Ford Foundation, Asia Foundation and also with CIDA. To mention briefly, Fatayat NU of Yogyakarta for example has established Yayasan Kesejahteraan Fatayat (Fatayat Welfare Foundation) to develop its socio-economic programs. Among the publications produced by the latter, Agama dan Kesehatan Reproduksi (Religion and Reproductive Health). Vivienne comments that in the new Indonesia, this younger generation may well hold the key to improving women’s status in society. By engaging pesantren leaders and students in open discussions, P3M and the Fatayat Welfare Foundation are counting on this. The Central Board of Fatayat NU has published among others: Panduan Motivator Pemberdayaan Perempuan (Motivator Guide to Women Empowerment, PP Fatayat NU-The Asia foundation, Jakarta, 1998), Buku Panduan Konselor tentang Kekerasan dalam Rumah Tangga (Counsellor Guide on Domestic Violence, Lembaga Konsultasi Pemberdayaan Perempuan (LKP2) Fatayat NU, Rumah Ibu and The Asia Foundation, Jakarta, 1999), Modul Analisis Gender (PP Fatayat NU-The Asia Foundation, Jakarta, 1999). Masdar Farid Mas’udi himself wrote Islam and Hak-Hak Reproduksi Perempuan Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan (Islam and Women Reproductive Rights A Dialogue of Fiqh Empowerment, Bandung, Mizan, 1997).
Nurcholish Majid says that the Qur’a>n was never intended to be an absolute guide regulating every last detail of the believers’ life but rather was intended to be a revelation of God’s intended ideals and guiding principles for man. Abdurrahman Wahid remarks that the social teachings of Islam are re-interpreted in accordance with the demands of a rapidly changing society and in response to modernity. Similarly, Johan Effendy is aware of the need for a fresh, new approach for understanding Islam in the context of Indonesian society in the twentieth century. He argues that ‘openness to new ideas and fresh ways of seeing was an inescapable requirement for the rational development of Islamic thought.’
Here is how some women’s issues are dealt with by reference to the Qur’a>n, according to some recent interpretations given by Indonesian thinkers: Regarding equality, Qur’a>n acknowledges that men and women are protectors, one of the other. This means that Islam recognises that men and women are equal before God. They have the same duties to God and to human kind. They have rights and responsibilities in accordance with their position in society. Many members of Muslimat and Fatayat NU remark that most Indonesian Muslim men are like men in other Muslim countries: they are not yet willing to give up their power and do not recognise women’s leadership. They propose that the way to make women leadership recognised is to convince the men that women’s leadership will not lessen the prestige of men’s leadership; rather, it will offer an alternative form of problem-solving that men’s leadership cannot have. They argue further that women themselves have to struggle to prove that they have the ability to be leaders. They also believe that the present practice towards women is incompatible with the teachings of the Qur’a>n.
Despite the progressive thought on women, many Muslimat and Fatayat NU members still\ maintain conventional beliefs on the gender-based division of labour. They argue that although men and women are equal, they have different functions. They remark that bringing up children and taking care of the household are women’s duties. However, in practice they often had her husband take care of children, do the shopping, or cook while they are busy with their jobs. They sometimes diplomatically say that the husbands took over to help with the responsibilities at home. The question is then, why do we say that the prominent woman needs to emphasise that she is a good housewife and mother? Among the answers perhaps that women’s leadership can be accepted in male dominated society with some conditions. One of them is the ability of women to prove that they fulfil the characteristic of a ‘good woman’ and the criteria for being a good woman include her believing in God, fulfilling one’s duties as a housewife and mother, and obeying her husband without reducing her dignity and independence.
As it is mentioned in some of Indonesian women’s biographies, many Muslim women indicate that they are not satisfied with their role as merely being a wife and mother. Baroroh Barid is among other Muslim women, for example, who argue that if a woman is merely a housewife and a mother it means that she is only fulfilling one third of her role as a human. She further states that Muslim women have responsibilities in their society and therefore, they should take part in public life.
Again concerning leadership, both men and women have access to leadership either in the family or in society. Kiyai Wahid Zaini remarks that Islam provides an equal opportunity to both husband and wife to be the head of the family. He argues that Islamic concepts on family leadership are complementary and points out that in Indonesia there has been a tradition that husband and wife help each other, for example when women work either in the rice field or in the office, the husband takes care of children. According to him, this practice is in line with Islamic teaching. Kiyai Ali Yafie criticized the interpretation of the hadi>th that means: “A Group of people will not be successful if they are led by women.” He notes that the reason this hadi>th emerged concerned the event of succession in Persia. Soon after the king of Persia died the high officials appointed the king’s daughter as leader of the country, and under this ruler the kingdom was ruined due to the rulers lack of capability. The h}adi>th was Prophet Muhammad’s comment on this particular issue and was not meant to forbid women to be leaders in the society. The Qur’a>n mentions a wise woman ruler, queen Balqis (the queen of Sheba) in the period of the prophet Sulaiman.
Although Masdar F. Mas’udi and Quraish Shihab argue women’s role as the educator of children is very important, they encourage women to participate in public life. Masdar argues further that if a wife works for income, the income belongs to her personally and need not be shared. Quraish Shihab also emphasizes that the wife has a right to maintain her own property without the husband’s agreement. Commenting on a wife’s obligation to obey her husband, Ali Yafie argues that the husband’s consent is not absolute. For example, a wife who refuses to have sex with her husband is not automatically sinful. If there is a ‘true’ reason, it is not opposed to the religious norm.
Concerning polygamy, the new discourse emphasizes women’s rights rather than men’s. The wife’s opinion on this matter is absolutely important, and the most important requirement of polygamy is justice. The Qur’a>n al-Nisa>’ 3 says that ‘If you fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, two, or three or four. But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hand possess. That will be more suitable to prevent you from doing injustice’. `
Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar Farid Mas’udi agree that justice here is not only from the husband’s point of view but also from the wife’s. The former argues that this verse means that it is the wife who should determine whether the husband is being just or not, while the latter says that we should look at the issue of polygamy in the context of its revelation. In the pre-Islamic period there were rich men and leaders of tribes who had uncounted wives. Therefore Islam’s limit of four wives was a revolutionary attitude for that time. In this era when monogamy is the norm, the strict requirement to have no more than one wife must be strengthened. Masdar believes that ‘if this requirement is carefully observed, there might be no men who can have polygamy.
It is very important to note here that the more liberating discourse on women is still only circulated among only relatively few educated Indonesians. The fifty-six religious books on women’s issues analysed by Johan Meuleman support conventional discourses. The writing of most editorials and the supervision of religious or counselling columns in Islamic journals and newspapers are still dominated by men. Unfortunately this kind of phenomenon can be traced back to the earlier periods of Islamic history regarding the number of female companions of the Prophet. There were only 1232 who were active in the process of h}adi>th narration, then only 150 in the time of ta>bi‘i>n, and then only 50 during the time of ta>bi‘ al-ta>bi‘i>n.
There is one example from doctrinal point of view concerning female economic rights in Islam: The involvement of women to achieve material welfare is through her rights in economics. The opportunities for Muslim women to receive and maintain their economic rights can be reached through both: first from the practice of Islamic rules on female economic rights and second from her own earnings. Muslim scholars basically agree that women can earn as far as she needs that job or the job needs her expertise, with a condition that the Islamic norms are preserved.
In addition to economic programs that have been established and developed by Muslimat, Fatayat NU and other women’s organisations, it is also important to take note of the Islamic teachings on women’s economic rights.
Economic opportunities for women according to Islam.
Islamic teachings request that both men and women work together in the establishment the social welfare. Islam understands that the level of welfare of the people will influence to her / his level of faith and piety. “Indeed the poverty will lead one toward disbelief” (Hadith narrated by Abu Nu‘aim). There are some sources of wealth that women can gain, based on Islamic regulations. Among others are :

1. The Dowry
Dowry (Mahr) as one of the economic sources for women when it is given in the formation of gold, silver or large amount of money. The practice of mahr is based on su>ra al-Nisa>’:4 “And give to the women (whom you marry) their mahr (obligatory bridal-money given by the husband to his wife at the time of marriage) with a good heart; but if they , of their own good pleasure, remit any part of it to you, take it, and enjoy it without fear of any harm (as Allah has made it lawful).
The dowry belongs to the bride’s wealth, not the family’s. Before Islam came, the dowry has given to the father, then Islam changed this tradition. Dowry could be something that is proper to be received by a woman as a sincere gift without any other interest, meaning that it will strengthen the love and make compassion grow. (h}adi>th). How much is the value of the dowry? Islam does not how much or give a certain limitation. During Prophet’s life time, the dowry varies such as iron rings, dirhams, dates or in the formation of merit, for example, teaching the Qur’a>n to the bride or the memorization of the Qur’a>n. It really depends on the agreement between the bride and the groom.
In the time of ‘Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, people competed to give dowries in dirham as much as possible, then he limited it to 400 dirhams. He was criticized by a female Quraysh saying that: “Don’t you listen to su>ra al-Nisa>’ 20 saying that: ”you have given one of them a qint}a>r (of gold i.e. a great amount as mahr) take not the least bit of it back…” then ‘Umar realized his words and saying: “ you are right and ‘Umar is wrong. O God I apologise to those who are smarter than I am.” From this event one may suggest that women should realise the fact that the dowry belongs to her economic rights, however, she may consider the economic condition of her groom wisely.
Concerning the dowry and the merit for Muslims in general, it is very important to notice the story of the Prophet’s daughter, Fa>t}ima al-Zahra>’. Once the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) called her and asked whether or not she would accept the proposal of ‘Ali to marry her, while he told her that she is free in her decision and the no one can force her. Fa>t}ima replied that the Prophet’s request is an order, but she cannot accept ‘Ali. The Prophet did not expect such an answer. Then she said that she had one condition, if the father accepts her condition and if God too, she will marry ‘Ali. Jibril came to the Prophet to ask Fa>t}ima what she wanted. She said: O my father, Rasulullah! When you came forth from the womb of your mother, you were in sajdah (prostration, position of worship), praising Allah, asking for your nation to be saved, just as you have asked throughout this life, and as you will ask in a>khira (the next life). Allah has given you shafa>‘a (the power of intercession). Whoever you love, I love. Therefore, I have fixed a price for my dowry.” And the Prophet said: ”What are you asking for your dowry? ‘Ali has nothing.” She answered:” O my father I am not asking anything from ‘Ali—I am asking from you , to ask Allah to grant my dowry will be the salvation of the nation of Muh}ammad on the Judgment Day.” The Prophet was silent, awaiting an answer. Jibril came and said: ”Ya Muhammad Allah sends peace upon you—and yes, He accepts Fa>t}ima’s condition.”
This story demonstrates that Muslims especially should notice that how importance is the value of their blessed sister, Fa>t}ima al-Zahra’. Shaykh Hisham Kabbani quotes the saying of the Prophet Muh}ammad peace be upon him: What Allah made me to love involuntarily are three things: women, perfume and prayer.” Why women first? Because Allah gave women a specialty-something holy- without which there is no world, no humanity.
2. Livelihood (Nafqah)
Islam does not oblige explicitely that women seek a job for a living for it is obligation of the men, either the father or husband. The livelihood for the wife should be fulfilled by the husband taking from his means (al-Nisa>, 34). Therefore the economic ability requires men before marriage, for those who find not the financial means for marriage keep themselves chaste until Allah enriches them of His Bounty. (al-Nu>r, 33). However, men’s responsibility does not close off all opportunity for the wife to earn a living. How much the livelihood is, really depends, on both: the need of the wife and the ability of the husband, without decreasing her rights (al-T}{ala>q 7). This nafqah consists of food house, service, medication, clothing, etc. This regulation does not change even if the wife can provide such things for herself. In the case of a rich husband, he still cannot however, do anything he wants towards his wife, for example, not to beat her. Even for a stingy husband, the prophet permits the wife to take the husband’s wealth without his notice, as much as it is needed. This happened to Hindun binti Utbah with her two children, as the Prophet allowed her to do such a thing. (hadi>th, narrated by Bukhori and Muslim from ‘Aisyah).
Livelihood refers to the rights of the wife during her marriage as well as her time of ‘iddah. ‘Iddah is the “waiting time” defined by the shari’a for women not to marry other man during that time. It varies for different cases. For a divorced wife, her waiting time is three menstruation periods, or three months. The ‘iddah for a pregnant women is until she gives birth. For a wife of a deceased husband, it is four months and ten days and for menaupose women, it is three months. As a matter of fact, Islam recommends that the husband gives something to his divorced wife. (al-Baqarah 241), while poor women have the right to receive zaka>t and s}}adaqah (al-Tawba 60).
3. The wealth of both professions
Islam motivates men and women to work together to build the family, the society as well as the nation. From everyone’s earning, they possess their own. Men and women are autonomous of each other because their efforts. Al-Nisa>’ 32 mentions: “For men there is reward for what they have earned, (and likewise) for women there is reward for what they have earned.”
Although wives have been protected by husbands in terms of the nafqah, however, there is no prohibition for them to earn money. By possessing wealth women can help with supporting financially the family as well as with supporting her own needs.
In the Prophet’s life time, women worked including his wives. For example, Zaynab bint Jahsy tanned animal leather, S}afiyya bint Huyay, was a nurse. Rait}}}ah, the wife of ‘Abd Allah ibn Mas’ud, also worked because her husband could not fulfil his task to support the family. Al-Shifa>’, who knew how to write, was given a task by the khalifa ‘Umar as an official to handle the market of Medina.
4. Inheritance
Muslim women have access to inheritance, and it is guaranteed by Islamic law. This is based on al-Nisa>’ 4:7, 11-12, 176; al-Anfa>l 8:75 and al-Ahza>b 34:4-6. The regulation of Islamic inheritance applies the bilateral and parental approaches while before Islam, people only recognized the patrilineal one. The system is based on the family’s relation (al-qarab>ah), marital relation (al-jawza) and releasing the slaves (al-wala>’). In Islam, women can inherit and vice versa, receive inheritance. The group of females that receives inheritance is the following: daughters, grand daughters and below, mother, grandmother (of father’s side and above), grandmother (of mother’s side and above), sister (of same parents, of on father or of one mother), wife and women who release slaves.
The portion of inheritance for women varies depending on her position to the deceased. A woman can receive an eighth, as a wife who has children; a forth when she does not have children; a sixth for a mother when she has children and grandchildren, a third if she does not have children and grandchildren, and brothers; two-third when the deceased had two daughters or more; a half part if she is the only child, a half of her brother from their parents’ wealth and the same portion with men when the wealth inherited from the deceased brother while the parents were already passed away and did not have children (al-Nisa >’11-12).
The regulations for the ratio of two and one between son and daughter, can be modified within the agreement of fuqaha>’ through was}iyya, which is the division of the wealth through the decision of the family before the parents pass away. Through this way, the inheritance can be divided justly.
5. Hibah or Was}iyya
Another economic opportunity for Muslim women is Hibah, or was}iyya. Hibah is to give a part of someone’s wealth without reward, but through transaction. It is also giving a part of the wealth voluntarily to somebody who is still alive without reward. The amount of hibah is 1/3 of the wealth of a giver. A giver could be one’s own parents or somebody else.
According to Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani feminist “If a father is scared that after his death later, his son does not give sufficient position to his sister, the father can give hibah to his daughter when he is still alive.” This is because parents had been reminded not to leave their descendants in a weak condition. (al-Nisa>’ 9)
The was}iyya system tells us implicitly that the formal regulation in the Qur’a>n concerning inheritance is not a fixed price. In this case, the four madhhab, of Islamic law agree on the division of inheritance through was}iyya with a condition that agreed by all mawa>rith who have the rights. This based on a h}adi>th of Ibn ‘Abbas from the Prophet Muhammad who says that there is no was}iyya for mawa>rith except with the agreement of other mawa>riths. (narrated by Bayhaqi). In Shi‘i> tradition, either Zaidiyya, Ima>miya or Isma>‘iliyya, even give the permission the wasi}yya without other’s agreement.
6. Wealth during the time of marriage
The wealth that is earned during the time of marriage belongs to both the husband and wife. In Islam, doing the chores at home is in fact considered as an important task. By way of explanation, was a woman sent to approach the Prophet in order to ask the value of doing house work in comparison with man’s work outside the house. The Prophet says that all work has the same value (reward). Therefore, women’s work in the house is equal to the good deed performed by the husband. Therefore Islam admits that house work is equal in value to that of public work.
In the case of both husband and wife going to the work place, the wealth belongs to them, while in terms of gift and inheritance owned by individual, this kind of wealth does not belong to the collective wealth. If they divorce, the collective wealth could be divided into two except for the individual belongings. If one of them passes away, only the collective wealth can be inherited.
A woman also has the rights to control her economic belongings. She should pay alms as well as s}adaqah. Thus the equality does not lie only in the distribution of wealth but also in sharing with others. (al-Ahza>b 35).
Concluding remarks:
The social situation of Indonesian Muslim women is not greatly distinguished from that of other women in general. Looking at the above explanations, one may conclude tentatively that the Indonesian people to recognize the importance of women’s roles in terms of development and understand them on the cognitive level. However, in practice, most of the current social institutions do not optimize the agenda of women’s empowerment. Obviously, they respect women‘s achievements, in theory, and they mention them in their slogans concerning developmental issue but they put them down in political practice. It might be just if people try to understand that women have generally suffered against injustices present everywhere at least in the following triple-struggles: as backward citizens; as poor peasants and as women in the middle of a male-dominated society. The enlightened interpretation of Islamic teachings that empower women should be disseminated. The economic opportunities for women should be given proper attention as well. In the case of Muslim women’s organization such as Muslimat and Fatayat NU, they should receive attention for what they have done so far. As well, as organization, they should gather all potentialities from various aspects of Indonesian life that support women physically and spiritually. At the same time, in order for them to be more effective, they should realize the fact that the history of their establishment also demanded their conventional status, and that it is important for them to challenge them with more selective activities of modern development.

Bibliography
Ali, Yusuf. The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Lahore: Presidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs,
Baidlowi, Aisyah Hamid. “Profil Organisasi Wanita Islam Indonesia: Studi Kasus Muslimat NU,” Unpublished paper, 1993.
Barid, Baroroh. “Islam and the Modernisation of Indonesian Women’ in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (eds) Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986.
Barton, Greg. “The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic Neo-modernism in Indonesia” in M. C. Ricklefs (ed.) Islam in the Indonesian Social Context, Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991.
-------. “The Beginning of Neo-Modernist Islamic Thought in Indonesia” Unpublished paper presented at the Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University 11 August, 1994.
-------. “The Impact of Neo Modernism on Indonesian Islamic Thought: The Emergence of a New Pluralism” in David Bourchier and John Legge (eds.) Democracy in Indonesia 1950s and 1990s Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.
Farid Mas’udi, Masdar “Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
------, Islam & Hak-hak Reproduksi Perempuan (Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan) Bandung: Mizan, 1997.
Al-Ghazali , Shaykh Muhamad Al-Ghazali Menjawab 40 Soal Islam Abad 20, Bandung: Mizan,1989.
Al-Hila>li>, Muh}ammad Taqi> al-Di>n and Muh}ammad Muhsin Kha>n, Translation of the meanings of the Noble Qur’an, Madinah, 1417 A.H..
Kabbani, Shaykh Hisham. “The Symbol of Fatimah Az-Zahra’ in The Muslim Magazine, Rajab 1419/October 1998 Issue 4
Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. “Engendering Democracy. A Reflection on the use of Women in New Order Indonesia,” Unpublished paper, presented at Conference on Indonesian Democracy, Monash University, Australia, 1992.
Mahdiah, Pedoman Praktis Permasalahan Hukum Perkawinan dan Kewarisan, Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1994.
Massadiah et al. Srikandi: Sejumlah Wanita Indonesia Berprestasi . Ciptawidya: Jakarta, 1991.
Meuleman, Johan. “Analisis tentang buku-buku yang beredar di Indonesia,” paper presented at Seminar Wanita Islam Indonesia Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta 2-5 December 1991.
Notosusanto, Smita and E. Kristi Poerwandari. Ed. Perempuan dan Pemberdayaan Kumpulan Karangan untuk Menghormati Ulang Tahun ke 70 Ibu Saparinah Sadli. Jakarta: Program Studi Kajian Wanita Program Pasca Sarjana UI, Harian Kompas and Obor Publisher, 1997.
Pelita 22 July, 1994
Pucuk Pimpinan Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Keputusan Kongres XI Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta, 1995.
-----. Sejarah Fatayat NU. Jakarta: PP Fatayat NU, 1984.
-----. Buku Pedoman Manajemen/Pengelolaan Lembaga Konsultasi Pemberdayaan Perempuan (LKP2) Fatayat NU. Jakarta: PP Fatayat NU, 1998.
-----. Panduan Motivator Pemberdayaan Perempuan. Jakarta: PP Fatayat NU and The Asia Foundation, 1998.
-----. Modul Analisis Gender. Jakarta: PP Fatayat NU and The Asia Foundation, 1999.
-----. Buku Panduan Konselor tentang Kekerasan dalam Rumah Tangga. Jakarta: Lembaga Konsultasi Pemberdayaan Perempuan (LKP2) Fatayat NU, Rumah Ibu and The Asia Foundation, 1999.
Pucuk Pimpinan Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, Hasil Keputusan Rapat Kerja Nasional Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama Tahun 1992, Jakarta, 1993.
-----. Keputusan Kongres Muslimat N.U. ke XII di Kaliurang Yogyakarta 25-28 November 1989. Jakarta: PP Muslimat NU, 1990.
Rahman Anita. ‘Hak Ekonomi Perempuan dalam Islam Tinjauan Normatif Fungsional in Perempuan dan Pemberdayaan Kumpulan Karangan untuk Menghormati Ulang Tahun ke 70 Ibu Saparinah Sadli
Shihab, Quraish. Membumikan Al-Qur’an: Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.
Soendari, “Potret Pergerakan Perempuan Indonesia: Berjuang melawan kediktaturan Orde Baru” Progres Vol. 1 No. 3.
Sullivan, Norma. “Gender and Politics in Indonesia” in Maila Stevens (ed.) Why gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Monash Paper on Southeast Asia No. 23, 1991.
Tan, Mely G. (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Wertheim, W. “Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality in BB Hering (ed.) Studies on Indonesian Islam, Townsville, James Cook University of Nort Queensland, 1986
Woodcroft-Lee, Carlen Patricia. ”Separate but Equal: Indonesian Muslim Perceptions of the Roles of Women” in Leonor Manderson (ed.) Women’s Work and Roles in Everyday Life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Canberra, ANU, 1983, 174.
Yafie, Ali. “Women’s Status and Leadership” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
Yusuf, Maftukhah. “Kepemimpinan Perempuan: Pemikiran Seorang Muslimat” in Mely G. Tan (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Zaini. Wahid .‘The Advancement of Women’s Role’ in Islam and The Advancement of Women, Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.

*The Political and Socio-Economic Involvement of
Muslim Women’s Organizations in Indonesia.
Icanas Conference, Montreal, August 31, 2000.
Sri Mulyati, McGill University