Puji dan syukurkami haturkan kehadirat Allah swt yang telah melimpahkan taufik dan hidayah kepada kita semua sehingga kita dapat bertemu pada pengajian kaum muslimin / staff KBRI Ottawa, Kanada dalam keadaan sehat wal afiat. Semoga apa yang menjadi niat kita yang baik akan disampaikan oleh Allah swt.
Shalawat dan salam semoga Allah sampaikan kepada junjungan alam kekasih Allah swt yaitu Nabi kita Muh}ammad s.a.w., keluarganya sekalian sahabatnya serta pengikut beliau dari masanya hingga akhir zaman.
Hadirin dan hadirat sekalian yang kami hormati, salah satu prinsip ajaran Islam adalah persamaan antara manusia baik antara lelaki dan perempuan maupun antara suku, bangsa dan keturunan. Adapun perbedaan yang digaris bawahi adalah karena kadar nilai pengabdian dan ketaqwaan-nya kepada Tuhan yang Maha Kuasa sesuai dengan firmanNya :
“Wahai manusia, sesungguhnya kami telah menciptakan kamu (terdiri) dari laki-laki dan perempuan dan kami jadikan kamu berbangsa-bangsa dan bersuku-suku, agar kamu saling mengenal sesungguhnya yang termulia diantara kamu disisi Allah adalah yang paling bertaqwa.”
Berbicara mengenai kedudukan perempuan dalam pandangan ajaran Islam dapat disebutkan bahwa, tidak persis sama sebagaimana diduga dan dipraktekkan dalam sementara masyarakat. Ajaran Islam pada dasarnya memberi kedudukan terhormat kepada perempuan. Banyak faktor yang mengaburkan keistimewaan serta memerosotkan kedudukan tersebut, salah satu diantaranya kurangnya memahami pengetahuan agama dan penafsiran-penafsiran yang diatasnamakan agama yang kurang sesuai dengan nilai-nilai dasar agama itu sendiri.
Berikut ini akan di kemukakan pandangan sekilas yang bersumber dari pemahaman ajaran Islam menyangkut perempuan dari segi :
1. Kesetaraan laki-laki dan perempuan sebagai ciptaan Allah.
2. Hak-hak perempuan dalam berbagai bidang.
3. Kedudukan dan peran serta tugas dan tanggung jawab perempuan didalam rumah tangga dan masyarakat.
1. Kesetaraan laki-laki dan perempuan sebagai ciptaan Allah
Manusia yaitu laki-laki dan perempuan diciptakan Allah swt adalah untuk mengabdi kepada-Nya :
Kalau kita memperhatikan tentang asal kejadian perempuan menurut Al-Qur’a>n maka tidak nampak dengan jelas perbedaannya dengan laki-laki karena kepada perempuan juga diberikan tugas dan tanggung jawab yang sama sebagai hamba Allah. Firman Aalah swt dalam surat An Nisa> :
Hai sekalian manusia, bertaqwalah kepada Tuhanmu yang telah menciptakan kamu dari diri yang satu yang daripadanya Allah menciptakan isterinya.
Banyak diantara mufassirin yang memahami kata “nafs” dengan Adam, misalnya Tafsir Jalalain Qurtubi, Ibn Katsi>r dan sebagainya. Muhammad Abduh dan al-Qa>simi menafsirkan nya “jenis”. Pandangan pertama agaknya bersumber dari hadits riwayat Bukhari, Muslim dan Turmudzi> :
“Saling berpesanlah untuk berbuat baik kepada perempuan, karena mereka diciptakan dari tulang rusuk yang bengkok….”
Hadits diatas di fahami oleh sebagian ulama secara harfiah dan sebagian ulama lain (kontemporer) memahami secara metaforis yaitu memperingatkan para laki-laki agar menghadapi perempuan dengan bijaksana karena ada sifat-sifat, karakter dan kecenderungan mereka yang tidak sama dengan laki-laki, hal ini bila tidak disadari akan mengantar kaum lelaki untuk bersikap tidak wajar. Mereka tidak akan mampu mengubah karakter dan sifat bawaan perempuan, kalaupun mereka berusaha akibatnya akan fatal sebagaimana fatalnya meluruskan tulang rusuk yang bengkok. Memahami hadits diatas sebagai pendapat yang kedua tadi, justru mengakui kepribadian perempuan yang telah menjadi kodrat / bawaannya sejak lahir. Bangsa kita, bangsa Indonesia melalui rumusan GBHN sejalan dengan dengan penafsiran mengenai penghormatan terhadap kodrat dan martabat perempuan.
Diantara ayat-ayat al-Qur’a>n yang menekankan persamaan unsur kejadian Adam dan Hawa dan persamaan kedudukannya antara lain dalam surat Al-Isra 70> :
Dan dalam surat Ali Imran 195 :
“Sebagian kamu adalah bagian dari sebagian yang lain”
Artinya bahwa sebagian kaum (laki-laki) berasal dari pertemuan ovum dan sperma dan sebagian yang lain (perempuan) demikian juga halnya. Kemudian dalam surat Ali Imran 195 Allah berfirman :
“Sesungguhnya Allah tidak menyia-nyiakan amal orang-orang yang beramal, baik laki-laki maupun perempuan”
Dari ayat-ayat al-Qur’a>n juga ditemukan bahwa godaan Iblis tertuju kepada keduanya (Adam dan Hawa) tanpa perbedaan :
“Maka syaitan mebisikkan pikiran jahat kepada keduanya…” (Al-A’raf 20)
“Lalu keduanya digelincirkan oleh Syaitan dari Syurga itu dan keduanya di keluarkan dari keadaan yang mereka (nikmati) sebelumnya …” (Al-Baqarah 36)
Kalaupun ada yang berbentuk tunggal, maka ketika itu justru merujuk kepada Adam yang bertindak sebagai pemimpin terhadap isterinya.
“Kemudian syaitan membisikkan fikiran jahat kepadanya (Adam) dan berkata : Hai Adam, maukah saya tunjukan kepadamu pohon Khuldi dan kerajaan yang tidak akan punah ?” (T{aha 120)
2. Hak-hak perempuan dalam berbagai bidang
Al-Qur’a>n berbicara tentang perempuan dalam berbagai surah dan ayat. Pembicaraan tersebut tentang berbagai sisi kehidupan, ada yang berbicara tentang hak dan kewajiban adapula yang mengisahkan keistimewaan tokoh-tokoh perempuandalam sejarah agama / kemanusiaan. Secara umum surat An Nisa> 32 menunjuk kepada hak-hak perempuan. Di dalam Islam hak perempuan diluar rumah dapat di awali dari surat Al-Ah{za>b 33 :
“Dan hendaklah kamu tetap di rumahmu dan janganlah kamu berhias dan bertingkah laku seperti orang-orang Jahiliyah yang dahulu”
Ayat ini sering di jadikan dasar untuk menghalangi wanita keluar rumah. Seorang mufassir dan pakar hukum Islam Al-Qurtubi (w. 761 H) menulis; makna ayat ini “perintah untuk menetap bagi isteri-isteri Nabi dan juga selain mereka, untuk tidak keluar rumah kecuali dalam keadaan darurat.” Ibn al-‘Arabi 1076-1148 M juga ber pendapat sama. Ibn Katsir wanita boleh keluar rumah untuk suatu keperluan yang di benarkan agama. Menurut Al-Maudu>di : jika dibaca waqarna tinggal dirumah dan tetap berada disana (Qiraat Madinah dan sebagian Kufah). waqirna tinggallah di rumah dengan tenang dan hormat (Qira‘at Basrah dan Kufah) tabarruj = menampakkan hiasan dan keindahan. Menurut Maudu>di, walaupun tempat wanita dirumah kalau ada hajat keperluannya, boleh keluar rumah dengan syarat memperhatikan segi kesucian diri dan memelihara kehormatannya.
Muhammad Qutub dalam Syubuha>t H{aula al-Islam perempuan pada zaman Nabi pun bekerja, ketika kondisi menuntut mereka, pekerjaan yang sangat perlu dan di perlukan oleh masyarakat atau atas dasar keperluan wanita tertentu. Keperluan bekerja karena tidak ada yang membiayai hidup atau karena yang menanggung hidupnya tidak mampu mencukupi keperluannya merupakan keperluan yang menetapkan hak-bekerja untuk wanita.” “Tugas pokok perempuan dirumah yang lain bukan termasuk tugas pokoknya fi dzila> al-Qur’a>n. ”
Said al-Hawwa> : Keperluan perempuan diluar rumah, ada yang fard{u ‘ain (yang tidak dapat di wakilkan pelaksanaannya) ada yang fard{u kifayah.
Contoh-contoh perempuan bekerja di zaman Nabi :
- Ummu Salamah (isteri Nabi), Safiyah, Laila al-Ghaffariyah sebagai salah seorang tokoh perang.
- Ummu Salim binti Mulkhan seorang perias
- Khadijah binti Khuwailid (isteri Nabi) sebagai pedagang
- Zainab binti Jahsy (isteri Nabi) sebagai penyamah kulit, hasil jerih payahnya kemudian di sedekahkan
- Asy Syifa sebagai juru tulis pasar kota Madinah
Hak dan Kewajiban Belajar
Dalam Islam laki-laki maupun perempuan berkewajiban untuk menuntut ilmu pengetahuan, terlalu banyak ayat Al-Qur’a>n dan Hadits Nabi yang berbicara tentang kewajiban menuntut ilmu. Antara lain Firman Allah :
Hadits Nabi :
Isteri Nabi s.a.w. (Siti Aisyah) sangat alim ilmu agamanya, cerdas dan kritis. Nabi bersabda : “Ambillah setengah pengetahuan agama kalian dari Humaira> (Aisyah).”
As-Syaikhah Syuhrah dengan gelar Fakhr al-Nisa>’ (kebanggaan wanita) adalah salah seorang guru Imam Syafi’i, juga guru beliau Mu’nisah al-Ayyu>biyah, Sya>miyyat at-Taimiyah dan Zainab putri sejarawan Abd al-Lati>f al-Baghda>di.
Hak-hak Politik
Islam memberikan sepenuhnya hak politik kepada perempuan sebagaimana kepada laki-laki. Dalam surat at-Taubah 71 Allah berfirman :
“Dan orang-orang yang beriman, lelaki dan perempuan, sebagian mereka adalah awliya>’ bagi sebagian yang lain mereka menyuruh untuk mengerjakan yang ma’ruf dan mencegah yang munkar, mendirikan shalat, menunaikan zakat dan mereka taat kepada Allah dan Rasul-Nya. Mereka itu akan diberi rahmat oleh Allah, sesungguhnya Allah maha perkasa lagi Maha Bijaksana.”
Awliya>’ = kerjasama, bantuan dan penguasaan.
Amar ma’ruf nahi munkar = perbaikan kehidupan, memberi saran kepada penguasa (hak dan kewajiban sosial) dalam segala aspek kehidupan termasuk politik – musyawarah.
Dalam sejarah, perempuan yang terlibat dalam politik praktis seperti Ummu Hani> yang dibenarkan Nabi memberi jaminan keamanan (putusan politik) pada seorang musyrik; contoh lain Siti Aisyah dalam perang Jamal (656 M).
Islam menolak segala upaya untuk menjadikan perempuan sebagai barang pusaka, sebelum Islam datang, warisan adalah hanya hak laki-laki kemudian Islam menjadikan wanita mempunyai hak waris.
“Bagi laki-laki adalah hak untuk memperoleh bagian peninggalan kedua orang tua dan kerabat, demikian juga bagi wanita ada hak untuk memperoleh bagian peninggalan kedua orang tua dan kerabat” (An-Nisa> : 7).
“Hai orang-orang yang beriman, tidak diperbolehkan bagimu mewarisi wanita-wanita dengan cara paksa.” (An-Nisa> : 19)
Dalam Islam wanita juga punya hak untuk memiliki, berdagang dan mengembangkan hartanya, mempunyai hak atas apa yang diusahakannya. Firman Allah swt :
“Bagi laki-laki ada bagian dari apa yang mereka usahakan dan bagi wanita ada bagian dari apa yang mereka usahakan.” (An-Nisa> : 32)
Dalam perkawinan, perempuan mempunyai hak untuk menerima / menolak calon suami yang melamarnya, mempunyai hak melihat, mengenal dan hak persetujuan-nya, mempunyai hak mahar dan menentukannya, berhak mendapat nafkah dan tempat tinggal.
Hak Mahar An-Nisa> 20-21
Hak Nafkah An-Nisa> 34, Al-Baqarah 233 sandang, pangan, papan, pengobatan dll.
Dengan penunaian hak-hak ini oleh suami maka perempuan menjadi terikat dengan hak suaminya.
3. Kedudukan dan peran serta tugas dan tanggung jawab perempuan di dalam rumah tangga dan masyarakat.
* Sebagai Isteri
Didalam keluarga muslim, seorang isteri mempunyai hak / kewajiban terhadap suaminya. Hak isteri yang menjadi tanggung jawab suami adalah nafkah, nafkah lahir dan batin, kewajiban material dan moral. Laki-laki berkewajiban memenuhi segala keperluan keluarganya, memimpin isteri, dan menjadi pelindungnya. Dalam surah An-Nisa> 34 laki-laki tetap wajib menghidupi keluarganya meskipun isteri telah memiliki harta bendas ebagai miliknya sendiri atau sebagai hasil usahanya. Setelah wanita itu kawin kalau akan bekerja di luar rumah atau bepergian harus minta izin kepada suaminya dalam konteks karena suami bertanggung jawab terhadap keselamatan isteri, kecuali kalau ada kesepakatan khusus sebelumnya. Suami yang mengerti kegunaan bepergian isterinya dari rumah seperti untuk menambah penghasilan keluarga secara halal, menuntut ilmu, mempertinggi keimanan dan budi pekerti tentu akan memberinya izin, karena itu juga meringankan beban dan tanggung jawabnya.
Keadaan demikian tidak asing lagi di Indonesia, perempuan yang memasuki dunia usaha atau kehidupan berkarir ada kalanya memang suatu keharusan, ada kalanya bukan suatu keharusan tetapi hanya untuk menyalurkan bakat atau memanfaatkan ilmu dan ketrampilannya bahkan ada kalanya kegiatan para isteri tersebut sekaligus menunjang posisi dan karir suami, misalnya Ibu-ibu Dharma Wanita dan organisasi isteri lainnya.
Iklim di Indonesia mendukung adanya wanita bekerja di dalam rumah atau di luar rumah, karena partisipasi wanita terus ditingkatkan sesuai dengan amanat GBHN. Wanita yang bekerja dan mendapat penghasilan menjadi milik isteri sah, kecuali ada kesepakatan khusus.
Isteri wajib patuh terhadap perintah suami yang tidak melanggar aturan agama, wajib memenuhi hak suaminya sebagai yang diatur dalam Islam :
“Seorang perempuan yang memelihara sholat yang lima, puasa ramadlan, taat pada suaminya, memelihara kehormatan dirinya maka akan di persilahkan masuk syurga melalui pintu mana saja yang ia kehendaki.” (Al-Hadits)
Dalam keluarga, suami berkewajiban memelihara keimanan, keislaman isteri dan anak-anak serta anggota keluarganya, sesuai dengan Firman Allah swt :
“Wahai orang-orang yang beriman peliharalah dirimu dan anggota keluargamu dari siksaan api neraka.”
“Wahai orang-orang yang beriman bertaqwalah kepada Allah dengan sebenar-benarnya taqwa dan janganlah kamu mati kecuali dalam keadaan muslim.”
* Perempuan sebagai Ibu dalam Keluarga
Allah swt telah menentukan kodrat wanita sebagi penerus keturunan dengan menciptakan organ tubuhnya berbeda dengan laki-laki dalam memenuhi fungsi tadi. Namun demikian keterlibatan jenis laki-laki dan perempuan dalam melahirkan keturunan dalam Islam sangat dijaga keabsahannya melalui perkawinan. Hubungan badaniah (sex) di luar pernikahan yang sah tidak ditolerir dalam Islam.
Perempuan dalam hal ini ibu, dalam keluarga harus terpelihara kesuciannya, kejujurannya karena ia yang akan melahirkan, mendidik dan menyiapkan generasi penerus, bersama dengan bapak sebagai pengayom dan pelindung keluarga. Dalam hadits Nabi s.a.w. :
“Wanita adalah penanggung jawab (pemimpin) dalam rumah tangga suaminya dan akan di mintai pertanggungan jawaban-nya.”
Untuk mencapai peran ibu yang ideal, perempuan harus dibekali dengan seperangkat pengetahuan dan ketrampilan, pengetahuan agama yang memadai, yang antara lain hal itu dapat diperoleh melalui jenjang pendidikan formal dan non-formal.
Dalam suasana yang semakin maju dewasa ini maka pelaksanaan tugas-tugas domestik tidak kaku lagi antara suami dan isteri. Islam pun memeberi kebebasan dalam pengaturan rumah tangga sesuai dengan kesepakatan dan keikhlasan kedua belah fihak. Keikhlasan bekerja sama ini sangat penting untuk saling menjaga keharmonisan hidup berkeluarga.
Pelaksanaan amaliah islamiah dalam keluarga adalah dalam bimbingan suami (bapak) dalam keluarga sebagai imam s}alat misalnya. Isteri dapat menjadi imam bagi anaknya atau anggota keluarga perempuan dalam keluarga. Walaupun masing-masing individu bertanggung jawab terhadap amalnya masing-masing namun tanggung jawab umum ada pada bapak, sebagai kepala keluarga.
Dalam hal pembinaan pendidikan agama bagi anak, ibu dan bapak punya peran yang sangat penting. Hak-hak anak adalah kewajiban orang tua untuk menunaikannya antara lain :
Hak-hak anak-anak terhadap Ibu-Bapaknya :
1. Nama yang baik.
2. Pendidikan (agama dan budi pekerti luhur).
3. Pengajaran tulis baca, memanah, berenang.
4. Makanan yang halal.
5. Mengawinkan jika tiba saatnya.
Orang Tua tidak dapat berpangku tangan dalam pendidikan anak, harus ambil bagian penting karena tanggung jawab yang besar di hadapan Allah swt, anak adalah amanat yang wajib di pelihara dengan baik dan anak-lah yang nanti akan mendo’akan kita, do’a anak yang soleh bagi orang tuanya, tidak ada penghalang dan rintangan.
Apabila hak-hak tersebut telah dapat di tunaikan dengan dengan baik maka gugurlah kewajiban orang tua. Namun demikian apabila pendidikan agama tidak dimulai sejak kecil, teladan orang tua, lingkungan yang kurang mendukung, banyaklah rintangan untuk mewujudkan anak yang soleh dan solehah di masa sekarang ini.
Kasih sayang dan pengertian serta do’a ibu adalah amat mujarab untuk komunikasi akrab dengan anak. Kuantitas waktu yang relatif kurang dapat dimanfaatkan dengan peningkatan kualitas dialog dengan anak. Ilmu jiwa perkembangan anak sangat penting untuk diketahui orang tua dan juga hukum-hukum agama yang berhubungan dengan relasi laki-laki dan perempuan bagi anak remaja dan dewasa muda, agar dapat memelihara dan menyelamatkan generasi muda kita sesuai dengan ajaran agama. Perimbangan informasi umum-agama, pengalaman praktek agama dalam keluarga dan pendidikan agama yang relatif cukup akan menjadi penangkal dengan sendirinya bagi anak-anak kita dalam menyerap semua situasi yang dihadapinya. Bagaimana caranya ? tetntu berbeda-beda dari satu masa dan tempat sesuai dengan situasinya.
* Perempuan dalam kehidupan Masyarakat
Dalam Islam yaitu surat At-Taubah ayat 71 terungkap bahwa wanita harus memanfaatkan / meluangkan waktunya untuk memikirkan masyarakatnya. Perintah Amar ma’ruf nahi munkar sebagai perintah untuk memperbaiki keadaan itu berarti membangun masyarakat. Wanita dimasukkan / disebut secara eksplisit, hendaklah juga ambil bagian dalam usaha ini, sesuai dengan kesempatan, kemampuan dan ilmu pengetahuan yang dimilikinya, dan sesuai pula dengan kondisi pemikiran yang ada pada lingkungannya. Wanita kalu diperlukan dan mampu melaksanakan tugasnya, dapat dipilih menjadi pemimpin, baik sektor formal maupun non-formal, pemerintah maupun swasta . Di Indonesia tersedia sarana organisasi wanita, kemasyarakatan, sosial keagamaan dimana wanita dapat mengambil peran positif. Islam juga telah memerintahkan supaya mengerjakan kebaikan, pengabdian baik secara perorangan maupun berkelompok. Firman Allah swt dalam surah Ali Imran ayat 104 :
“Hendaklah ada diantara kamu suatu golongan yang mengajak berbuat kebajikan, menyuruh orang melakukan yang benar dan melarang dari perbuatan munkar. Merekalah orang yang mencapai kebahagiaan.”
Beberapa kendala bagi perempuan :
1. Pengetahuan agama Islam mengenai perempuan dan hal ikhwalnya belum banyak dikaji dan difahami dengan dengan benar. Al-Qur’a>n dan Hadits belum menjadi acuan utama, masih banyak yang berdasarkan pada tradisi nenek moyang, dan budaya yang merugikan wanita, termasuk penafsiran-penafsiran yang tidak mendukung kemajuan wanita.
2. Penyuluhan agama belum berhasil secara merata, sebaliknya bagi wanita yang sudah maju (berpendidikan baik) kesadaran berpedoman kepada ajaran Islam belum tumbuh.
3. Kemajuan sementara wanita muslim, belum disambut dengan ikhlas oleh sebagian laki-laki sebagai ayah, suami atau saudara laki-lakinya. Kendala ini harus diperkecil / dihilangkan karena sikap tersebut akan merugikan pembangunan bangsa dan negara serta kemajuan agama itu sendiri.
4. Lengahnya sebagian wanita terhadap kodratnya sehingga tidak terjadi keseimbangan antara kemajuan dirinya dengan keharmonisan keluarga
Kesimpulan dan Penutup
Wanita di dalam Islam seperti halnya juga laki-laki perlu berbekal ilmu pengetahuan, ketrampilan dan akhlaq yang tinggi. Selain didalam keluarga, peran wanita sebagai isteri dan Ibu, ada pula di dalam lapangan kerja atau profesi dan karier untuk mengembangkan pribadinya dan menemukan jati dirinya.
Haram : Maliki, Syafi’i, Zaid, Hambali (kecuali takut berzina)
Onani
Makruh
Mencari nafkah dengan bat{il di larang :
• Kejahatan sexs : Onani, homoseks (Syafi’i rajam)
Perkosaan Umar & Utsman dibunuh
• Sindikat jual beli
Perkosaan : Al-Baqarah 173
Hukum Nikah : Wajib
Haram
Makruh
Mubah
UU No.1 Th 1974 UU Perkawinan
Zina gadis 100 X
jejaka 100 X
akal sehat pengakuan sendiri
menikah merdeka saksi 4 orang
rajam s/d mati
Fungsi Keluarga
1. Fungsi ekonomis mengkonsumsi barang-barang
2. Fungsi sosial Prestise, prestasi & status pada anggota-anggotanya
3. Fungsi edukatif pendidikan pada anak & remaja
4. Fungsi protektif melindungi ancaman fisik, ekonomis, psiko-sosial
5. Fungsi religius pengalaman keagamaan pada anggot-anggotanya
6. Fungsi rekreatif pusat rekreasi
7. Fungsi afektif kasih sayang & melahirkan keturunan
adalah saudara kandung
Will Durant : Muh}ammad telah meningkatkan & memperbaiki hak-hak
1. boleh datang ke Mesjid walau rumah lebih baik bagi mereka.
2. + bayi ke Mesjid, khutbah diperpendek.
3. Nabi mengakhiri pembunuhan terhadap
4. sejajar dengan dalam profesi, hasil usaha & menggunakannya.
Siti Aisyah ahli fiqih, kedokteran & puisi
boleh menikah dengan orang yang disukai tidak boleh di paksa
Sayed Qutb : Islam telah taraf kemanusiaan sama
1. Kebebasan ekonomi
2. Berhubungan dengan masyarakat
3. Hak belajar
4. Hak menuntut bercerai = khulu’
5. Hak bekerja di luar rumah
di larang meniru
berbeda fisiologi, psikologi
* Ulama mutaqaddim asal kejadiannya berbeda dengan
Ulama Muta’akhirin asal kejadiannya sama dengan
* Dalam Qur’a>n tidak ada petunjuk yang pasti bahwa dari tulang rusuk
* Perkawinan = = suatu perjanjian yang kuat
* Di Kowani (Kongres Wanita Indonesia) misalnya :
- Persatuan Isteri Insinyur
- Dharma Wanita
- Dharma Pertiwi
- Bhayangkari
- Persatuan Isteri Dokter
* Kesepakatan khusus misalnya harta gono gini, suami isteri bekerja kemudian hasilnya di gabung.
* dengan batasan hukum agama
* Isteri + anak perempuan menutup aurat
Tinjauan psikologi sosial
1. Qur’a>n Al-Ah{zab : 59
“Hai Nabi katakanlah kepada isteri-isteri-mu, anak-anak perempuan-mu dan isteri-isteri orang mu’min, hendaklah mereka mengulurkan jilbabnya (sejenis baju kurung yang lapang / longgar yang dapt menutup kepala, muka, dada) keseluruh tubuh mereka, yang demikian itu supaya mereka lebih mudah untuk di kenal, karena itu mereka tidak diganggu dan Allah adalah Maha Pengampun lagi Maha Penyayang.”
Hikmah saat itu : merdeka lebih mudah di kenal
merdeka tidak di ganggu
Anita Taylor dalam “Communicating”
Konsep diri * semua yang anda fikir
* anda rasa menentukan prilaku anda
* sikap anda
setelah itu lahir : self fulfilling prophecy (kecenderungan berprilaku sesuai dengan konsep diri).
Kefgen – Touche - Specht dalam D.G. Leathers,
Nouverbal Communication System, busana punya 3 fungsi yaitu :
1. Diferensiasi
2. Prilaku
3. Emosi
dapat mengalami guncangan citra diri (disurbance of self image)
Kerudung bagi Islam ; Comittment pada Islam
Busana mendorong pemakainya berprilaku sesuai :
• Citra diri muslimah
• Mendefinisikan peran dengan tegas
• Membantu dalam role playing
Menghindari role confusion
• Penegas identitas hubungan dan
Aurat = = hilang perasaan
= menutup
= sesuatu yang jika dilihat, mencemarkan.
“Katakanlahkepada Mu’minat untuk meutup sebagian pandangan mereka, memelihara kehormatan mereka, jangan menampakkan perhiasan mereka (badan mereka) melainkan sesuatu yang lahir (muka dan tangan) dari padanya. Dan hendaklah mereka menutup dada mereka dengan kerudung mereka …… “
Bagi anak laki-laki
Wanita sebagai anggota masyarakat
Kedudukan sebagai anggota masyarakat memikirkan lemah (mustad{‘afin)
• kawin muda
• banyak anak
• kawin cerai
• buruh harian melalui program Inpres Desa Tertinggal
• sexual harrasment
• pendidikan rendah
Yang patut diperlakukan dengan baik 3 X Ibu
sebagai isteri (Q.S. 30 : 21)
karir
keluar rumah anak-anak ?
ekonomi
Busana Muslimah - Psikologi Sosial
1. Q.S. 33 : 59
2. Hikmah : supaya lebih mudah diketahui sehingga tidak di ganggu
Orang Kaya Baru gila haute couture
Paper ceramah disampaikan pada
Pengajian Bulanan Masyarakat Islam KBRI, Ottawa, Kanada.
Jum’at, 12 Januari 1996.
Jumat, 25 September 2009
“The contemporary situation of women in Indonesian, a preliminary insight look”
Round Table 1: Women and Human security
Agenda:
- Gender politics and Political Culture
- Women at work and in public life
- The International influence on Condition of Women.
- Social Change and Women’s Role in Civil Society
“The contemporary situation of women in Indonesian, a preliminary insight look”
I. General framework
- Geographical and Population background
- Political and Economic Framework
- The Women’s movement
II. The situation of Indonesian women since independence 1945
- The political and social situation of Indonesian women during the Old and the New Order
- The very recent situation of Indonesian women
III. Concluding remark
- The internal and external factors that influence Indonesian women in rural and urban areas
- Women’s roles towards Indonesian civil society (strength and weak points, challenges and opportunities, constraints and hopes)
I. General framework
Geographical and Population background
Indonesia is located in Southeast Asia, between the Asian Continent in the North, and the Australian continent in the South, with its territory extending over 5000 kilometres from East to West and 1750 kilometres from North to South. It is situated along the equator, Indonesia is the world’s largest archipelago, stretching from 94 degrees – 45… to 141 degrees - 05 …East longitude in the West and the South bordered by the Indian Ocean and in the North by the South China Sea.
The Indonesian archipelago consists of 17.508 islands, of which some 6000 are inhabited. The major islands are Kalimantan with its Indonesian area of about 539.460 square kilometres; Sumatra, with 473.605 square kilometres; Irian Jaya, with 421.981sq.km; Sulawesi, with 189.216 sq.km; Java including Madura island, with a land area of about 132.187 sq.km. About half of Indonesia is forested and much of it is mountainous and volcanic.
Jakarta, on the island of Java is the capital city, with population of about 12 million people, out of the total population of about 215 million people. In fact the island of Java accommodates about 60% of the whole Indonesian population and the density is 814 per sq.km, while at the same time the population densities of the other islands are much lower, varying between 51 and 77 per sq.km. Of the total population, about 55% are women as they live longer than men, with a life expectancy of 64 years for women and 60 for males. The population is multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi linguistic and multi-religious, with Islam as the largest upheld by the Indonesians. Although Indonesia has about 300 different ethnic languages, the Indonesian language as a national language (lingua franca) spoken across the country. The country acquired independence on 17 August 1945, after being colonialised by the Dutch back from the 16th century for about 350 years, and by the Japanese for about 3 years.
Political and Economic Framework
Since its independence, Indonesia has been a republic with a president as the head of government. The president and the vice president are elected five-yearly by the highest institution in Indonesia, the People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat) The current president of Indonesia is the fourth since independence, and Abdurrahman Wahid as the president and Megawati, a daughter of first president, Sukarno as the vice president. The latter is also served as the general chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan). The members of the People’s Consultative Assembly consist of members of parliament, provincial appointees and other appointees from different institutions. At present there are 48 political existing parties represented by seven fractions in the parliament.
The current President is assisted by 2 coordinator ministers, 16 Ministers in the Cabinet, heading various Departments, 5 non-departmental state ministers, and 3 depoty ministers. The Present Cabinet is named the Cabinet of National Unity (Kabinet Persatuan Nasional), in which two ministers are women, namely the State Minister for the Empowerment of Women and the chief of (Menteri Negara Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Kepala BKKBN) and the Minister of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure (Menteri Pemukiman dan Prasarana Wilayah). The power of the government to make laws is a join cooperation with Parliament apart from the various Ministers, the Executive is also assisted by the Supreme Advisory Council (Dewan Pertimbangan Agung) which is responsible for providing advises needed by the President. There is a Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung) for the Republic of Indonesia to hear and determine any civil or criminal proceeding under any law other than a disciplinary law and such jurisdiction and powers as may be conferred upon it by the constitution or any other law.
The Republic of Indonesia is a member of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Apart from that, Indonesia is also a member of the United Nations and has one served as the head of the Non-aligned Movement (1992-1995).
In terms of economic sector, Indonesia today suffered from severe economic setbacks; balance of payments disquilibrium, soaring unemployment, rapid inflation, acute foreign exchange shortage due to global economic crisis especially Asian crisis, high and rising debt services, low savings and low investment. In an effort to solve some of the problems, since 1983 the government embarked on a stabilization and structural adjustment program which was subsequently accompanied by a revision of the tax structure, new policies to attract investment and transfer of technology (deregulation and debureaucratization). Before Asian crises Indonesia has enjoyed a satisfactory economic growth between 6-7% a year, unfortunately this growth decreased severely within the fall of the New Order regime until the rise of Reformation era. Abdurrahman Wahid, the current president seems to have various difficulties to heal the economic sector in particular, and many other problems in general. The economy of Indonesia is at present dominated by at least four main sectors: agriculture, manufacturing, tourism and service sectors. The agricultural sector is the principal factor which enabled Indonesia to achieve self-sufficiency in rice production in 1992. The manufacturing and tourism as the second and third largest sectors and the service sectors has only emerged in the last few years which encompasses an extensive range of sub-sectors, inclusive of transport and distribution, hotels and restaurants, management, consultancy, banking, insurance, accounting, computer, engineering, and architecture, government and other services.
The Women’s movement
By virtue of its ethnic and traditional societal patterns, Indonesian women have been subjected to male authority, but up to date women’s participation in society and national development has increased significantly from the 1970s especially in the employed labor force, however, employment of women is mostly found at traditionally stereotyped sectors such as agriculture and services. Moreover, most of the employment opportunities for women are concentrated in the low pay, low skill occupations and only a few women occupy high level occupations in the public as well as the private sector.
As far as wages are concerned, there is no wage discrimination applicable to manufacturing enterprises. The principle of equal pay for equal work applies fully in the public sector. Further, the government decided that women should be granted maternity leave for three months: one month before delivery and two months afterwards. Some programs of the State Minister for the Empowerment of Women and the Indonesian women NGOs activities as well as those who struggle for a better environment of the situation of Indonesian women, therefore their supports are highly respected.
As a matter of fact, little is known about the relationship between Islam and women in Indonesia. A number of books, articles about Islam and women have been written on other parts of Muslim world such as Middle East countries, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Afghanistan, and African countries, but very little focuses on Indonesia. This relationship has become an interesting topic among other women issues. Studies on the relationship of political Islam and the New Order and the new trend of Islamic thought of neo-modernism have proliferated, yet very little that addresses women. Since Indonesia is a country that has the biggest Muslim population in the world, half of whom are women, there is definitely a need for studies of Indonesian women in general and Indonesian Muslim women in particular
II. The situation of Indonesian women since independence 1945 until present
The political and social situation of Indonesian women during the Old Order and the New Order
The first President of Indonesia, Sukarno wrote a book entitled Sarinah, among others in which he praised women, however in practice people might seen otherwise. Almost similar to other regimes in developing countries, Indonesia’s Old Order and especially during the New Order was repressive towards mass movement including women’s organization in order to ensure national stability. The government policy in 1970’s on restructuring political life by simplifying political parties affected women’s movement. During 1974 Family Welfare Movement (Pendidikan Kesejahteraan Keluarga), was founded to control women in the local administration. The Government grants the Indonesian Women Congress (Kongres Wanita Indonesia), an umbrella organisation of all women’s organisations. This funding only resulted the strength of the control of the government over the latter. In the same year other government-sponsored organizations such as Dharma Wanita, was established to replace all women’s organisations within government departments and institutions. Dharma Pertiwi, was established to replace women’s organizations within the armed forces. Sullivan comments that these organizations just reinforce the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that has located women as secondary citizens. The dual role of women as it was stated and was reinforced by state guidelines (GBHN 1978): the duty to fulfil the ‘essential nature’ as a housewife and as an educator of the younger generation, these roles according to some women figures sound that the state policy manipulates the notion of the family to ensure the stability of the country at the expense of women.
Although the existing system is oppressive one should not merely locate women in the object position, women as subjects of historical change should be taken into account and fortunately Indonesian women are not merely passive victims of this repression. Women have struggled in various ways to eliminate this oppression and even the repression over women encouraged the emergence of new women’s movements in the 1980s. These movements include: liberal women’s movements, NGO women’s movements and women students’ associations.
Indonesian women individually and collectively have been struggling to improve their own position and to challenge the patriarchal domination. Some writings of devoted Muslim women indicate that these women have challenged the role prescribed by the official view and conventional understanding of Islam. Muslim women’s organisations have campaigned for consciousness raising and have assisted women to improve their condition, however it is really a need of social, political and economic situation which encourages women’s advancement. In Indonesia context, one of them is the emergence of Muslim intellectuals who has brought about more liberating discourses on women.
There is no particular change of the status of women during Habibie’s era, for not only he governed the country in several months but also because he was the successor of Suharto and has always been one of his ministers during his regime. Although the first lady is a well-educated women [she is a physician] however, she did not seem to do a lot for enhancement of women.
The very recent situation of Indonesian women
The changing approach of the New Order and the emergence of Muslim intellectuals with a more liberating understanding of Islamic teachings concerning women issues have given a hope and opportunities to women. Various programs such as gender analysis programs have been conducted in pesantrens (Islamic Traditional Boarding Schools), and many gender awareness training held by the State Minister of Empowerment of Women. At present the office of the State Minister of Empowerment of Women is combined with the National Council on Family Planning, and the Minister is the general chairperson of the central board of Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama. Her appointment and commitment to women issues has been recognised, therefore we hope that such programs including the family planning do not only emphasise on women as the users of contraceptives but also men. On top of that, the first lady, Mrs. Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid received her MA in women studies from the University of Indonesia in Jakarta. Although this phenomenon is circulating among few of Muslim intellectuals, certainly this will gradually decrease one of the potential hindrances that may obstruct the bright future of Indonesian Muslim women.
III. Concluding remark
- The internal and external factors that influence Indonesian women in rural and urban areas
- The internal factor that influence Indonesian women, both in rural and urban areas among other is the acceleration of development during the New Order affect women in both areas, positively and negatively.
- The external factor that influence women in urban as well as in rural areas is that the rapid change of telecommunication has dominated the growing interest of women to the outside world especially with the booming of the internet, email, tall free etc. This will accelerate women’s knowledge and interest to science and technology. In terms of negative impact, this would lead to consumerism.
- The strength points will include: the large amount of female population, the increasing number of well-educated people especially women not only in conventional areas such as social sciences but also in science and technology, the increasing number of female labour force and high skilled labour, the good political will of current government towards women.
- The weak points would be the very slow changing within the society in terms of development of human resources especially of women resources, too many low skilled female labour, psychological or cultural hindrances.
- The challenges or opportunities include highly competition in various aspects of life, the limited availability of funding for women’s activities through government offices and or NGO’s, the cultural and religious conventional understanding towards women’s issues.
- Islamic teachings on human rights (including women’s rights)
- The implementation of human rights in practice: the case of Indonesia
- The Role of Government and NGO on Indonesian politics
- How the international influence produces social changes and effects women’s role towards Indonesian civil society.
Round Table 1: Women and Human Security
Icanas, Montreal, August 31, 2000
Sri Mulyati, McGill University
Agenda:
- Gender politics and Political Culture
- Women at work and in public life
- The International influence on Condition of Women.
- Social Change and Women’s Role in Civil Society
“The contemporary situation of women in Indonesian, a preliminary insight look”
I. General framework
- Geographical and Population background
- Political and Economic Framework
- The Women’s movement
II. The situation of Indonesian women since independence 1945
- The political and social situation of Indonesian women during the Old and the New Order
- The very recent situation of Indonesian women
III. Concluding remark
- The internal and external factors that influence Indonesian women in rural and urban areas
- Women’s roles towards Indonesian civil society (strength and weak points, challenges and opportunities, constraints and hopes)
I. General framework
Geographical and Population background
Indonesia is located in Southeast Asia, between the Asian Continent in the North, and the Australian continent in the South, with its territory extending over 5000 kilometres from East to West and 1750 kilometres from North to South. It is situated along the equator, Indonesia is the world’s largest archipelago, stretching from 94 degrees – 45… to 141 degrees - 05 …East longitude in the West and the South bordered by the Indian Ocean and in the North by the South China Sea.
The Indonesian archipelago consists of 17.508 islands, of which some 6000 are inhabited. The major islands are Kalimantan with its Indonesian area of about 539.460 square kilometres; Sumatra, with 473.605 square kilometres; Irian Jaya, with 421.981sq.km; Sulawesi, with 189.216 sq.km; Java including Madura island, with a land area of about 132.187 sq.km. About half of Indonesia is forested and much of it is mountainous and volcanic.
Jakarta, on the island of Java is the capital city, with population of about 12 million people, out of the total population of about 215 million people. In fact the island of Java accommodates about 60% of the whole Indonesian population and the density is 814 per sq.km, while at the same time the population densities of the other islands are much lower, varying between 51 and 77 per sq.km. Of the total population, about 55% are women as they live longer than men, with a life expectancy of 64 years for women and 60 for males. The population is multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi linguistic and multi-religious, with Islam as the largest upheld by the Indonesians. Although Indonesia has about 300 different ethnic languages, the Indonesian language as a national language (lingua franca) spoken across the country. The country acquired independence on 17 August 1945, after being colonialised by the Dutch back from the 16th century for about 350 years, and by the Japanese for about 3 years.
Political and Economic Framework
Since its independence, Indonesia has been a republic with a president as the head of government. The president and the vice president are elected five-yearly by the highest institution in Indonesia, the People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat) The current president of Indonesia is the fourth since independence, and Abdurrahman Wahid as the president and Megawati, a daughter of first president, Sukarno as the vice president. The latter is also served as the general chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan). The members of the People’s Consultative Assembly consist of members of parliament, provincial appointees and other appointees from different institutions. At present there are 48 political existing parties represented by seven fractions in the parliament.
The current President is assisted by 2 coordinator ministers, 16 Ministers in the Cabinet, heading various Departments, 5 non-departmental state ministers, and 3 depoty ministers. The Present Cabinet is named the Cabinet of National Unity (Kabinet Persatuan Nasional), in which two ministers are women, namely the State Minister for the Empowerment of Women and the chief of (Menteri Negara Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Kepala BKKBN) and the Minister of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure (Menteri Pemukiman dan Prasarana Wilayah). The power of the government to make laws is a join cooperation with Parliament apart from the various Ministers, the Executive is also assisted by the Supreme Advisory Council (Dewan Pertimbangan Agung) which is responsible for providing advises needed by the President. There is a Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung) for the Republic of Indonesia to hear and determine any civil or criminal proceeding under any law other than a disciplinary law and such jurisdiction and powers as may be conferred upon it by the constitution or any other law.
The Republic of Indonesia is a member of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Apart from that, Indonesia is also a member of the United Nations and has one served as the head of the Non-aligned Movement (1992-1995).
In terms of economic sector, Indonesia today suffered from severe economic setbacks; balance of payments disquilibrium, soaring unemployment, rapid inflation, acute foreign exchange shortage due to global economic crisis especially Asian crisis, high and rising debt services, low savings and low investment. In an effort to solve some of the problems, since 1983 the government embarked on a stabilization and structural adjustment program which was subsequently accompanied by a revision of the tax structure, new policies to attract investment and transfer of technology (deregulation and debureaucratization). Before Asian crises Indonesia has enjoyed a satisfactory economic growth between 6-7% a year, unfortunately this growth decreased severely within the fall of the New Order regime until the rise of Reformation era. Abdurrahman Wahid, the current president seems to have various difficulties to heal the economic sector in particular, and many other problems in general. The economy of Indonesia is at present dominated by at least four main sectors: agriculture, manufacturing, tourism and service sectors. The agricultural sector is the principal factor which enabled Indonesia to achieve self-sufficiency in rice production in 1992. The manufacturing and tourism as the second and third largest sectors and the service sectors has only emerged in the last few years which encompasses an extensive range of sub-sectors, inclusive of transport and distribution, hotels and restaurants, management, consultancy, banking, insurance, accounting, computer, engineering, and architecture, government and other services.
The Women’s movement
By virtue of its ethnic and traditional societal patterns, Indonesian women have been subjected to male authority, but up to date women’s participation in society and national development has increased significantly from the 1970s especially in the employed labor force, however, employment of women is mostly found at traditionally stereotyped sectors such as agriculture and services. Moreover, most of the employment opportunities for women are concentrated in the low pay, low skill occupations and only a few women occupy high level occupations in the public as well as the private sector.
As far as wages are concerned, there is no wage discrimination applicable to manufacturing enterprises. The principle of equal pay for equal work applies fully in the public sector. Further, the government decided that women should be granted maternity leave for three months: one month before delivery and two months afterwards. Some programs of the State Minister for the Empowerment of Women and the Indonesian women NGOs activities as well as those who struggle for a better environment of the situation of Indonesian women, therefore their supports are highly respected.
As a matter of fact, little is known about the relationship between Islam and women in Indonesia. A number of books, articles about Islam and women have been written on other parts of Muslim world such as Middle East countries, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Afghanistan, and African countries, but very little focuses on Indonesia. This relationship has become an interesting topic among other women issues. Studies on the relationship of political Islam and the New Order and the new trend of Islamic thought of neo-modernism have proliferated, yet very little that addresses women. Since Indonesia is a country that has the biggest Muslim population in the world, half of whom are women, there is definitely a need for studies of Indonesian women in general and Indonesian Muslim women in particular
II. The situation of Indonesian women since independence 1945 until present
The political and social situation of Indonesian women during the Old Order and the New Order
The first President of Indonesia, Sukarno wrote a book entitled Sarinah, among others in which he praised women, however in practice people might seen otherwise. Almost similar to other regimes in developing countries, Indonesia’s Old Order and especially during the New Order was repressive towards mass movement including women’s organization in order to ensure national stability. The government policy in 1970’s on restructuring political life by simplifying political parties affected women’s movement. During 1974 Family Welfare Movement (Pendidikan Kesejahteraan Keluarga), was founded to control women in the local administration. The Government grants the Indonesian Women Congress (Kongres Wanita Indonesia), an umbrella organisation of all women’s organisations. This funding only resulted the strength of the control of the government over the latter. In the same year other government-sponsored organizations such as Dharma Wanita, was established to replace all women’s organisations within government departments and institutions. Dharma Pertiwi, was established to replace women’s organizations within the armed forces. Sullivan comments that these organizations just reinforce the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that has located women as secondary citizens. The dual role of women as it was stated and was reinforced by state guidelines (GBHN 1978): the duty to fulfil the ‘essential nature’ as a housewife and as an educator of the younger generation, these roles according to some women figures sound that the state policy manipulates the notion of the family to ensure the stability of the country at the expense of women.
Although the existing system is oppressive one should not merely locate women in the object position, women as subjects of historical change should be taken into account and fortunately Indonesian women are not merely passive victims of this repression. Women have struggled in various ways to eliminate this oppression and even the repression over women encouraged the emergence of new women’s movements in the 1980s. These movements include: liberal women’s movements, NGO women’s movements and women students’ associations.
Indonesian women individually and collectively have been struggling to improve their own position and to challenge the patriarchal domination. Some writings of devoted Muslim women indicate that these women have challenged the role prescribed by the official view and conventional understanding of Islam. Muslim women’s organisations have campaigned for consciousness raising and have assisted women to improve their condition, however it is really a need of social, political and economic situation which encourages women’s advancement. In Indonesia context, one of them is the emergence of Muslim intellectuals who has brought about more liberating discourses on women.
There is no particular change of the status of women during Habibie’s era, for not only he governed the country in several months but also because he was the successor of Suharto and has always been one of his ministers during his regime. Although the first lady is a well-educated women [she is a physician] however, she did not seem to do a lot for enhancement of women.
The very recent situation of Indonesian women
The changing approach of the New Order and the emergence of Muslim intellectuals with a more liberating understanding of Islamic teachings concerning women issues have given a hope and opportunities to women. Various programs such as gender analysis programs have been conducted in pesantrens (Islamic Traditional Boarding Schools), and many gender awareness training held by the State Minister of Empowerment of Women. At present the office of the State Minister of Empowerment of Women is combined with the National Council on Family Planning, and the Minister is the general chairperson of the central board of Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama. Her appointment and commitment to women issues has been recognised, therefore we hope that such programs including the family planning do not only emphasise on women as the users of contraceptives but also men. On top of that, the first lady, Mrs. Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid received her MA in women studies from the University of Indonesia in Jakarta. Although this phenomenon is circulating among few of Muslim intellectuals, certainly this will gradually decrease one of the potential hindrances that may obstruct the bright future of Indonesian Muslim women.
III. Concluding remark
- The internal and external factors that influence Indonesian women in rural and urban areas
- The internal factor that influence Indonesian women, both in rural and urban areas among other is the acceleration of development during the New Order affect women in both areas, positively and negatively.
- The external factor that influence women in urban as well as in rural areas is that the rapid change of telecommunication has dominated the growing interest of women to the outside world especially with the booming of the internet, email, tall free etc. This will accelerate women’s knowledge and interest to science and technology. In terms of negative impact, this would lead to consumerism.
- The strength points will include: the large amount of female population, the increasing number of well-educated people especially women not only in conventional areas such as social sciences but also in science and technology, the increasing number of female labour force and high skilled labour, the good political will of current government towards women.
- The weak points would be the very slow changing within the society in terms of development of human resources especially of women resources, too many low skilled female labour, psychological or cultural hindrances.
- The challenges or opportunities include highly competition in various aspects of life, the limited availability of funding for women’s activities through government offices and or NGO’s, the cultural and religious conventional understanding towards women’s issues.
- Islamic teachings on human rights (including women’s rights)
- The implementation of human rights in practice: the case of Indonesia
- The Role of Government and NGO on Indonesian politics
- How the international influence produces social changes and effects women’s role towards Indonesian civil society.
Round Table 1: Women and Human Security
Icanas, Montreal, August 31, 2000
Sri Mulyati, McGill University
The Role of Women in Family Planning in Indonesia
I. Introduction
Population growth has long been a problem in Indonesia, and particularly as it effects population in the island of Java. To solve this problem the Dutch colonial in 1905 had started to transfer Javanese population to the island of Sumatera. To alleviate this problem, family planning has been introduced into Indonesia.
In Indonesia, the traditional ways to control and to space birth has been employed by herbs and massage. While the use of modern contraceptions recognized by society since National Program on Family Planning, existed in 1970 .
To disseminate the idea of family planning is not an easy task. Even in the developed countries there have been polemical discussions between the supporters of family planning, the funding agencies and religious groups. One of their concerns is budgeting, that public money should not be used for such matters as opposed the religious belief i.e.: abortion. For this reason, the success of family planning in Indonesia, where the most acceptors are women as well as Muslims, be an interesting phenomenon to observe.
The role of religions especially Islam in Indonesian history has been recognized long time before independence. Javanese kings used to entitle themselves khalifatullah sayidin Panotogomo. It is always a mosque in front of the palace in cities in Java. Since the arrival of Islam in the 13th century, the foundation of Islamic kingdom until physical revolution to the Dutch colonialism and achieving Independence are evidents of Muslim involvement in developing the country. For Indonesian society, until now, religious point of view became an important consideration in decision making process. It has been explicitly sated in the First Five year Planning which says that: ”The application of Family Program is volunteer and should be in harmony with Pancasila moral and related religious teaching”
Islam and Family Planning.
The Islamic perspective on family planning is not limited to the idea of birth control or the limitation of births. It cannot be separated from the desire to promote a family which is sakina and prosperous, as well as descendants who are physically and mentally strong, healthy, well educated and secure. Therefore, family planning according to Islam should support and stimulate family welfare.
Family planning is not only a clinical issue; it is related to and affected by the perception, attitudes and behaviour of society. Hence it demands an approach which incorporates community and national welfare. The Qur’a>n and the Sunna define the responsibilities of parents and the community for the welfare of their offspring and future generations.
The principle idea of family welfare in Islam is closely related to the efforts at providing a better life for the children who will form the next generation. The Qur’a>n warns that every family should promote the welfare of its descendants to prevent them from passing on any weaknesses which may cause difficulties in the future (Qur’a>n 4:9).
Islamic teachings encourage Muslims to get married and have children; those children become the responsibility of their parents. Islam is concerned with the preservation of both the mother’s and the child’s health during pregnancy, birth and nursing. It does not, however, restrict the number of children for a couple as long as the parents are capable of raising them successfully. The practice of family planning is not necessarily illegal in Islam, as long as both spouses have good intentions (niyya) in their use of birth control and as long as the method they use is acceptable to Islamic law
In Indonesia, birth control is usually practiced to create an interval between children or to prevent pregnancy after the birth of the last child. The spacing of children and the systematic prevention of pregnancy applied once the desired number of children has been achieved, are meant to provide happiness for the family.
The purpose of national family planning in Indonesia is to decrease the birth rate. In terms of Islamic law, however, there are some considerations which have made it possible for contraception to be accepted by Indonesian Muslims, including the Muhammdiyyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama, the two largest Muslims organization in Indonesia. In Islam, the attitude towards contraception should be based on fatwas and the guidance of Muslim jurists basing themselves on the schools of legal interpretation to which they belong rather than according to the discretion of the individual. These Muslim jurists are the ‘ulama, learned specialists in the religious and traditions of Islam .
Islam permits contraception in the case of need (ha>ja) but does not prohibit the practice in the absence of need. Quoting from the al-Iqna’ of Bujayrimi Musallam says that if contraception is practiced with a valid excuse (‘udhr), such as the need for raising (tarbiyya) another child, it is not blameworthy (lam yukrah). The prevention of pregnancy through coitus interuptus was excercised during the prophet Muhammad’s lifetime. Although he was aware of the practice, he did not prohibit it. Contraception is acceptable, provided that it is practiced for health reasons and improvement of the quality of life. The prophet said:”Jahd al-bala’ kathra al-’yal ma’a qilla al-shay’” (the most disastrous life for (a family) is to have a large family, but without sufficient economic support) reported on the authority of al-H}a>kim. Therefore the importance of promoting family planning is in order that it enhances the quality of life within the boundaries of Islamic teachings.
Among the natural methods of contraception practiced by Muslim is breast feeding the children for two years. This is encouraged by the Qur’an 2:233: “The Mothers shall give suck to their offspring for two whole years...” This method is also practised in Indonesia and is highly recommended by doctors. According to Modern theories of biology, when a woman breast feeds her baby her secretion of prolactine hormone increases while her body stops producing progesteron and estradiol hormones. These two hormones function to make pregnancy possible; therefore there is a possibility to prevent pregnancy throughout the period of breastfeeding.
There are certain circumstances when the birth of a child is not welcome:
1. If bearing a child will endanger the life of the mother or if there is a danger envisaged to the life of the mother at the time of delivery. The above points are justified in the following verse of the Qur’an: “ Do not throw yourself into destruction with your own hands.” (2: 195)
2. If there is any fear that special financial, and educational responsibilities required by children would prevent a prospective parent from fulfilling his/her religious duties.
3. If the birth of a child would force someone to accept unlawful food. The Qur’an says: “Allah wants to ease your problems; He does not want to be harsh towards you “ (2: 185), “nor does He want to force any hardship upon you.” (5:6)”.
4. If there is a likelihood that the health of the child would be jeopardized. A father or mother suffering from a contagious disease which can be transmitted to the children would be justified in the practice of birth control. This does not apply to hereditary disease like diabetes however.
5. If there is a danger thet the parents would not be in a position to give propwer training (tarbiyya) to the children as required by Islam.
Indonesian Muslims Point of view.
The Muhammadiyyah
The Ulama from the legal Affairs Committee of Muhamadiyyah, when giving their opinion, start from they understand regarding family planning , that is, as an effort to balace fecundity with ability; and not due to the fear of having children. The core of Muhamadiyyah opinion regarding the Family Planning Program is that: It is regarded as a wayout in pressing circumstances. A circumstance that is considered pressing or urgent is related to three things: First, when there is concern regarding the life or health of the mother when she is pregnant, or when she delivers a baby, based on a doctor’s opinion or prior experience. In that case, Muhamadiyah states that religion allows someone avoid pregnancy, based on al-Qur’a>n: “And make not your own hands contribute to (your) destruction.” (Al-Baqarah, 195); “Nor kill (or destroy) Yourselves.” (Al-Nisa>’, 29).
Second, When there are too many children to take care of, someone’s religion could be threatened if he or she were driven to violate religious norms to fulfill the demands of the family, such as stealing, robbing, etc. They refer to Al-Baqarah 185, and Al-Ma>’idah, 6). Birth control that is based on solely on the anxiety that the children will not make their way in life cannot be accepted, since in Hud 6 Allah has guaranted the fortune of children.
The third urgent circumstance, according to Muhamadiyah is the anxiety about the life, health and education between one birth and another. The reason for this comes from the H}adith : “Do not endanger yourselves or others (including your children).” (narrated by Ah}mad and Ibn Ma>jah). Meanwhile, the management of the time between births is commensurate with the encouragement given by al-Qur’a>n in Al-Baqarah, 233, Luqma>n, 14 and Al-Ah}qa>f, 15. From the three verses above, the Legal Affairs Committee of Muhamadiyyah draws the following conclusions:
1. Even though these verses are of varying themes, there has arisen a logical understanding, that when when the duration is less than thirty months between pregnancies or nursing, it is only fair that the husband, for love’s sake, does not increase the burden on his wife by forcing her to conceive and deliver another baby. This could mean long-lasting sacrifice for his wife.
2. Even though a Muslim should be able to accept everything that happens to him or her according to his or her trust in God, it is imperative that everyone try to alleviate pain and sorrow and try to fulfill life’s demands, in addition to his or her faith in God’s mercy.
3. Based on the understanding that what is reflected in the above verses is the will of God, we can still hope for His mercy when we have reasonably long intervals between birth, in order to alleviate the burden of a woman in the midst of her service to Him.
4. Meanwhile, in addition to determination and prayers for a good fate given by Allah, we also need the advice of people who are expert in health matters.
The Legal Affairs Committee of Muhammadiyah also pays special attention to the technical issues of family planning. Based on the teaching of the hadith about anything harmful to ourselves or to others, family planning should practiced approately, should be approved by both husband and wife, and should not be physically or phychologically detrimental to the person practicing it.
Muhamadiyyah is of the opinion that the use of any contraceptive method should consider the factors mentioned above. Coitus interruptus can be practiced as long as it is approved by the wife. Also, the installation of any intravaginal contraceptive device should be done by a female doctor or nurse except in urgent circumstances, male doctor can perform it.
Muhamadiyah views that the effort to avoid pregnancy by destroying or altering the body’s organs is a violation of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, the vasectomy and tubectomy methods are not approved. Abortion is not accepted either for it is thought to be in the category of murder. Even though a foetus does not have a soul, according to them abortion is prohibited in Islam. Al-Ghazali’s view concerning this that a life begins with a contact between the sperm and the ovum which waits in the womb. Therefore, abortion, even in the early stage, is still considered crime.
Exceptions to this rule can be accepted only in very urgent situations, such as when the life of the mother is threatened if the foetus continues growing. The mother should not be sacrificed only for her child-to-be, since she is the source of the foetus and her life is already in existence. This is based on the ritual law that when someone has to choose between two bad choices, he or she has to choose the one that is of less negative impact.
It can be concluded then, that Muhamadiyah starts with encouragement to have descendants who are strong both physically and spiritually, so that they will not be a burden for others. In the family planning theory, they emphasize that one must not jeopardize life, either physically or spiritually, and one must not alter or destroy human organs, especially the woman’s genitals. Concerning certain methods, such as abortion, the practice can be accepted only in urgent circumstances.
The type of program which is done by the Muhamadiyah is becoming one of the models that show how religious group participate in family program without leaving religious principles. There were such programs funded by Path finder Fund, UNFPA, Family Planning International Assistance, Asia Foundation etc. This even gives experience and wide horizon for both sides that might be followed by other organizations as well as the agencies.
The Nahdlatul Ulama
The Islamic law which is developed and applied by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) characterizes Indonesia. Nurcholish says that Islam in Indonesia should be understood within the context of Indonesian cultural influences. Among the principles of the NU is that of adapting to new situations. The aim of this principle is to create programs and activities which can solve actual problems, not only for the members of the NU but also for the Indonesian nation or even human beings as a whole. This is reflected in their motto: “al-Muh}a>faza ‘ala> al-qadi>m al-s}a>lih} wa al-akhdh bi al-jadi>d al-as}lah}: preserving the old that which remains good and adopting the new that is better.”
In 1968-1969 the Nahdlatul Ulama began to address the importance of family planning for the umma. On September 25, 1969 in Jakarta, The Central Board of the NU produced a document on family planning, which set forth the following guidelines:
1. Family planning should be undertaken as a mean of spacing pregnancies for the sake of family welfare, not preventing pregnancy out of a desire to limit the (members) of the family.
2. Family planning should be based on the importance of the welfare of mother and child, not from the fear of poverty or starvation.
3. Family planning must not include abortion.
4. It is forbidden to destroy and / or remove either the husband’s or his wife’s reproductive organs.
5. Family planning must be an individual matter (voluntary) and not a mass movement with enforced rules.
6. Family planning must take place with the agreement of both husband and wife.
7. Methods of family planning should only include those permissible under religious law and ethics.
8. Couples should be careful not to misuse family planning to commit sin (ma‘s}iyya) or abuse.
The Role of Women in Family Planning in Indonesia.
In Indonesia, especially the participation of women cannot be isolated from the agreement of the ulama to the subject matter. In this case the role of Muslim organization as Muhamadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama is very significant, for they have autonomous bodies which all the members are women such as Aisyiah, Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, Muslimat and Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama. Through these autonomous bodies, they implement family planning programs whether by themselves as well as cooperated with government programs, because the latter for sure they cannot reach everyone, therefore, Muhamadiyah concentrates their programs in urban areas while Nahdlatul Ulama more in the grass root level.
Some of the Population Activities in Support of Family Planning Movement
1. Integrated health-family planning program.
In every activity, family planning movement encourages other development sectors, or various institutions to participate in the family planning activities. To support family planning movement, Ministry of Health Develops National Health system that places community and family as major subject in overcoming health problems. To this reason, it is expected that community has a concern on health or family planning matters related to religion, ethics, and culture to create both public health and health for all.
2. Post for Integrated Health and Family Planning Services (Posyandu), as an effort for maternal and child health.
Family planning development is as an integrated post of maternal and child health, and integrally conducted by other development sectors. One of efforts for improving maternal and child health is conducted through Posyandu activities. Including IEC activities on nutrition, family planning, health, immunization, and family planning services. Posyandu activities have established throughout Indonesia until neighborhood association level, managed by cadres of PKK (Women Movement).
3. International Training Program.
The success of Indonesia in managing family planning program has been recognized by other countries and donor agencies. Because of this success, many countries have sent participants to learn the management of family planning in Indonesia. To anticipate the demand, BKKBN established International Training Program in the mid of eighties, and this institution is now an important asset of the Prosperous Family Development and National Family Planning Movement that is useful to disseminate the ideas of Indonesian Family planning and prosperous family program to other countries. For example, training program in Family Planning IEC (information, Education, and Communication) in July-August 1994 had attended by participants of the several countries.
4. Immunization Program to Reduce Infant Mortality.
According to WHO, child mortality in developing countries is about five millions for year. It is caused by diseases that can be prevented by vaccine, and 500.000 children experienced handicaped because of polio. To prevent this matter, the government mobilize immunization program until village level, by the year 1992, about 73.99% of the number of children under five (Balita) have got immunization, and it is expected that it will increase in the next years. In Table A-6 shows that estimated infant mortality rate (IMR) in 1967 was 145 per 1000 live birth. This rate reduced to 63 in 1990, and it was 52 in 1995.
5. Towards a Self-reliance of the Family Planning.
To maintain the family Planning users. Contraceptive services through both village family planning management Assistance (PPKBD) and Sub-Village Clinics have been successful, but in terms of self-reliant family planning services, BKKBN provides services through village unit cooperatives (KUD). In this cooperation family planning services are paid to KUD. Increasing community participation in national family planning has changed the program managed by government to community movement. The impact of this family planning movement is reflected to fertility reduction year by year. Table A-7 shows that from 1971-1994 had experienced the reduction of total fertility rate (TFR) as much as 50%, namely from 5.6 in 1971to 2.8 in 1994. The reduction of fertility rate was mostly caused by high commitment in development, institutions at village levels supporting family planning, high family planning awareness and practice, and higher age at marriage as well as birth interval. The objective of population development that is necessarily developed in support for the increasing number of labor force (15-60 years), namely 2.5 millions every year. It includes women labor force, and they necessarily get the availability of employment. As shown in Table A-8, one third the labor force (38.86%) is women. By providing an employment for women, it is expected that family social-economic status will improve, and it will improve, and it will improve family welfare. The member of family planning in Indonesia (acceptors) is counted by couple, as a matter of fact that most of the effective contraceptive users are emphasized more on women. We may observe from various tools practiced by them. During 1993-1994 the only means practiced by men is condom (1.79%), while pills (32,25%), injections (29,71%), IUDs (23,90%), implant (7,18%), and sterilization (5,64%) are used by women. (see chart B-3). The other role played by women is concerning the participation of field-workers both Family Planning Field Workers (PLKBs) and Family Planning Field Workers Supervisors (PPLKBs), Community institutions such as Village Family Planning Management Assistants (PPKBDs) and their sub divisions (Sub-PPKBDs), about 90% of them are women, why? Because the issues of family planning is relatively sensitive in the community, thus people especially in the village are more comfortable to consult such matters with them. The weighing group for children is conducted a weighing activity for children under five (Pokbang), children development program (BKB) and income generating program for family (UPPKS) are also provided by women. (see chart B-8)
Education is a long life process, and it has to be provide to young generation earlier. They are expected at least to get a nine-year education.
Estimation of life expectation
Health policy and efforts to improve family welfare will support to increase life expectation for Indonesian population. The increase of family welfare can make family members to get a better health care.
Efforts for the improvement of health and family welfare have already been successful. It is reflected to the increase of life expectation rate for Indonesian people year by year.
Estimation of infant mortility rate (imr).....
Total fertility rate (tfr) .....
Labor force ....
On the chart one we are going to see the Indonesian population trend from 1971 until 1995, and that is 195.283.200. The information on population trend is very important especially relating to the increase of young population number, the number of school age children as well as young labor force which they will cause the increase of education, health, employment needs etc.
I need the following data:
1. page 1 Indonesian map
2. page 5 Tabel 3 Projection of Indonesian population according to sex and age.
3.page 7 Tabel 5 about IMR
4. page 165 the map of Bali
5. page 139 the map of DIY
6. page 3 on Indonesian Population Trend 1971-1995
7. page 11 on the estimation of life expectancy in Indonesia
8. page 13 on Estimation of infant mortality rate in Indonesia
9. page 15 on Total fertility rate
10. page 17 on Number of labor force
11. Info tentang MKE (metode kontrasepsi efektif): IUD, MO sterilization, implant
12. Info tentang NON-MKE
Population activities in support of Family Planning Movement
- Integrated Health-Family Planning Program
- Post for integrated health and family planning services (Posyandu), as an effort for maternal and child health.
- International Training Program
- Immunization program to reduce infant mortality
-Toward a self-reliance of the Family Planning
Bibliography
Nitisastro, Wijoyo. Population Trends in Indonesia . Ithaca, USA: Cornell University Press, 1970.
Bagul, Donal J. Principles of Demography. New York: John Welley and Sons, Inc n.d.
Djoewari, O. Makalah pada seminar pemuda dan family planning Komite Nasional Majlis Pemuda sedunia. Jakarta: 1969.
Suryaningrat, Suwarjono. Memoir Kepala Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana Nasional Pusat. Jakarta: BKKBN, 1983.
Harnawidagda, Hadjid. wawancara atas dasar Terms of Grant Agreement antara Muhammadiyah dengan Family Planning International Assistance (FPIA) New York. n.d
Departemen Penerangan R.I. Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) 1969-1970 sampai dengan 1973-1974 Bandung: Doa Restu vol. II, edisi dua.
Sugiat. Amal Usaha Pelayanan Kesehatan Muhammadiyah, Makalah Raker Majlis PKU Muhammadiyyah, 1986.
Panitia Sejarah PKBI. Sejarah Perkumpulan Keluarga Berencana Indonesia, PKBI, Jakarta, 1975.
United Nations Monthly Chronicle, vol. V/1 World Leaders Declaration on Population, Januari, 1979. Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyyah Majlis Tarjih. Membina Keluarga Sejahtera. PT Persatuan Yogyakarta, 1972.
Pengurus Besar Syuriah Nahdlatul Ulama. Keputusan Pengurus Besar Syuriah Nahdlatul Ulama tentang Keluarga Berencana. Jakarta, 1969.
Surat Keputusan Menteri Kesejahteraan Rakyat tanggal 17 Oktober 1968 tentang Pembentukan Lembaga KB Nasional dan Penunjukan Anggota Badan Pertimbangan LKBN.
Departemen Agama R.I. Keputusan Musyawarah Ulama Terbatas tentang Keluarga Berencana, Jakarta, 1973.
Panitia Musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama. Keputusan Musyawarah Nasional Ulama tentang Kependudukan, Kesehatan dan Pembangunan. Jakarta, 1983.
A Paper presented in The Congress of the Social Sciences and Humanities,
Canadian Asian Studies Association, University of Ottawa,
Ottawa, June 3, 1998
Population growth has long been a problem in Indonesia, and particularly as it effects population in the island of Java. To solve this problem the Dutch colonial in 1905 had started to transfer Javanese population to the island of Sumatera. To alleviate this problem, family planning has been introduced into Indonesia.
In Indonesia, the traditional ways to control and to space birth has been employed by herbs and massage. While the use of modern contraceptions recognized by society since National Program on Family Planning, existed in 1970 .
To disseminate the idea of family planning is not an easy task. Even in the developed countries there have been polemical discussions between the supporters of family planning, the funding agencies and religious groups. One of their concerns is budgeting, that public money should not be used for such matters as opposed the religious belief i.e.: abortion. For this reason, the success of family planning in Indonesia, where the most acceptors are women as well as Muslims, be an interesting phenomenon to observe.
The role of religions especially Islam in Indonesian history has been recognized long time before independence. Javanese kings used to entitle themselves khalifatullah sayidin Panotogomo. It is always a mosque in front of the palace in cities in Java. Since the arrival of Islam in the 13th century, the foundation of Islamic kingdom until physical revolution to the Dutch colonialism and achieving Independence are evidents of Muslim involvement in developing the country. For Indonesian society, until now, religious point of view became an important consideration in decision making process. It has been explicitly sated in the First Five year Planning which says that: ”The application of Family Program is volunteer and should be in harmony with Pancasila moral and related religious teaching”
Islam and Family Planning.
The Islamic perspective on family planning is not limited to the idea of birth control or the limitation of births. It cannot be separated from the desire to promote a family which is sakina and prosperous, as well as descendants who are physically and mentally strong, healthy, well educated and secure. Therefore, family planning according to Islam should support and stimulate family welfare.
Family planning is not only a clinical issue; it is related to and affected by the perception, attitudes and behaviour of society. Hence it demands an approach which incorporates community and national welfare. The Qur’a>n and the Sunna define the responsibilities of parents and the community for the welfare of their offspring and future generations.
The principle idea of family welfare in Islam is closely related to the efforts at providing a better life for the children who will form the next generation. The Qur’a>n warns that every family should promote the welfare of its descendants to prevent them from passing on any weaknesses which may cause difficulties in the future (Qur’a>n 4:9).
Islamic teachings encourage Muslims to get married and have children; those children become the responsibility of their parents. Islam is concerned with the preservation of both the mother’s and the child’s health during pregnancy, birth and nursing. It does not, however, restrict the number of children for a couple as long as the parents are capable of raising them successfully. The practice of family planning is not necessarily illegal in Islam, as long as both spouses have good intentions (niyya) in their use of birth control and as long as the method they use is acceptable to Islamic law
In Indonesia, birth control is usually practiced to create an interval between children or to prevent pregnancy after the birth of the last child. The spacing of children and the systematic prevention of pregnancy applied once the desired number of children has been achieved, are meant to provide happiness for the family.
The purpose of national family planning in Indonesia is to decrease the birth rate. In terms of Islamic law, however, there are some considerations which have made it possible for contraception to be accepted by Indonesian Muslims, including the Muhammdiyyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama, the two largest Muslims organization in Indonesia. In Islam, the attitude towards contraception should be based on fatwas and the guidance of Muslim jurists basing themselves on the schools of legal interpretation to which they belong rather than according to the discretion of the individual. These Muslim jurists are the ‘ulama, learned specialists in the religious and traditions of Islam .
Islam permits contraception in the case of need (ha>ja) but does not prohibit the practice in the absence of need. Quoting from the al-Iqna’ of Bujayrimi Musallam says that if contraception is practiced with a valid excuse (‘udhr), such as the need for raising (tarbiyya) another child, it is not blameworthy (lam yukrah). The prevention of pregnancy through coitus interuptus was excercised during the prophet Muhammad’s lifetime. Although he was aware of the practice, he did not prohibit it. Contraception is acceptable, provided that it is practiced for health reasons and improvement of the quality of life. The prophet said:”Jahd al-bala’ kathra al-’yal ma’a qilla al-shay’” (the most disastrous life for (a family) is to have a large family, but without sufficient economic support) reported on the authority of al-H}a>kim. Therefore the importance of promoting family planning is in order that it enhances the quality of life within the boundaries of Islamic teachings.
Among the natural methods of contraception practiced by Muslim is breast feeding the children for two years. This is encouraged by the Qur’an 2:233: “The Mothers shall give suck to their offspring for two whole years...” This method is also practised in Indonesia and is highly recommended by doctors. According to Modern theories of biology, when a woman breast feeds her baby her secretion of prolactine hormone increases while her body stops producing progesteron and estradiol hormones. These two hormones function to make pregnancy possible; therefore there is a possibility to prevent pregnancy throughout the period of breastfeeding.
There are certain circumstances when the birth of a child is not welcome:
1. If bearing a child will endanger the life of the mother or if there is a danger envisaged to the life of the mother at the time of delivery. The above points are justified in the following verse of the Qur’an: “ Do not throw yourself into destruction with your own hands.” (2: 195)
2. If there is any fear that special financial, and educational responsibilities required by children would prevent a prospective parent from fulfilling his/her religious duties.
3. If the birth of a child would force someone to accept unlawful food. The Qur’an says: “Allah wants to ease your problems; He does not want to be harsh towards you “ (2: 185), “nor does He want to force any hardship upon you.” (5:6)”.
4. If there is a likelihood that the health of the child would be jeopardized. A father or mother suffering from a contagious disease which can be transmitted to the children would be justified in the practice of birth control. This does not apply to hereditary disease like diabetes however.
5. If there is a danger thet the parents would not be in a position to give propwer training (tarbiyya) to the children as required by Islam.
Indonesian Muslims Point of view.
The Muhammadiyyah
The Ulama from the legal Affairs Committee of Muhamadiyyah, when giving their opinion, start from they understand regarding family planning , that is, as an effort to balace fecundity with ability; and not due to the fear of having children. The core of Muhamadiyyah opinion regarding the Family Planning Program is that: It is regarded as a wayout in pressing circumstances. A circumstance that is considered pressing or urgent is related to three things: First, when there is concern regarding the life or health of the mother when she is pregnant, or when she delivers a baby, based on a doctor’s opinion or prior experience. In that case, Muhamadiyah states that religion allows someone avoid pregnancy, based on al-Qur’a>n: “And make not your own hands contribute to (your) destruction.” (Al-Baqarah, 195); “Nor kill (or destroy) Yourselves.” (Al-Nisa>’, 29).
Second, When there are too many children to take care of, someone’s religion could be threatened if he or she were driven to violate religious norms to fulfill the demands of the family, such as stealing, robbing, etc. They refer to Al-Baqarah 185, and Al-Ma>’idah, 6). Birth control that is based on solely on the anxiety that the children will not make their way in life cannot be accepted, since in Hud 6 Allah has guaranted the fortune of children.
The third urgent circumstance, according to Muhamadiyah is the anxiety about the life, health and education between one birth and another. The reason for this comes from the H}adith : “Do not endanger yourselves or others (including your children).” (narrated by Ah}mad and Ibn Ma>jah). Meanwhile, the management of the time between births is commensurate with the encouragement given by al-Qur’a>n in Al-Baqarah, 233, Luqma>n, 14 and Al-Ah}qa>f, 15. From the three verses above, the Legal Affairs Committee of Muhamadiyyah draws the following conclusions:
1. Even though these verses are of varying themes, there has arisen a logical understanding, that when when the duration is less than thirty months between pregnancies or nursing, it is only fair that the husband, for love’s sake, does not increase the burden on his wife by forcing her to conceive and deliver another baby. This could mean long-lasting sacrifice for his wife.
2. Even though a Muslim should be able to accept everything that happens to him or her according to his or her trust in God, it is imperative that everyone try to alleviate pain and sorrow and try to fulfill life’s demands, in addition to his or her faith in God’s mercy.
3. Based on the understanding that what is reflected in the above verses is the will of God, we can still hope for His mercy when we have reasonably long intervals between birth, in order to alleviate the burden of a woman in the midst of her service to Him.
4. Meanwhile, in addition to determination and prayers for a good fate given by Allah, we also need the advice of people who are expert in health matters.
The Legal Affairs Committee of Muhammadiyah also pays special attention to the technical issues of family planning. Based on the teaching of the hadith about anything harmful to ourselves or to others, family planning should practiced approately, should be approved by both husband and wife, and should not be physically or phychologically detrimental to the person practicing it.
Muhamadiyyah is of the opinion that the use of any contraceptive method should consider the factors mentioned above. Coitus interruptus can be practiced as long as it is approved by the wife. Also, the installation of any intravaginal contraceptive device should be done by a female doctor or nurse except in urgent circumstances, male doctor can perform it.
Muhamadiyah views that the effort to avoid pregnancy by destroying or altering the body’s organs is a violation of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, the vasectomy and tubectomy methods are not approved. Abortion is not accepted either for it is thought to be in the category of murder. Even though a foetus does not have a soul, according to them abortion is prohibited in Islam. Al-Ghazali’s view concerning this that a life begins with a contact between the sperm and the ovum which waits in the womb. Therefore, abortion, even in the early stage, is still considered crime.
Exceptions to this rule can be accepted only in very urgent situations, such as when the life of the mother is threatened if the foetus continues growing. The mother should not be sacrificed only for her child-to-be, since she is the source of the foetus and her life is already in existence. This is based on the ritual law that when someone has to choose between two bad choices, he or she has to choose the one that is of less negative impact.
It can be concluded then, that Muhamadiyah starts with encouragement to have descendants who are strong both physically and spiritually, so that they will not be a burden for others. In the family planning theory, they emphasize that one must not jeopardize life, either physically or spiritually, and one must not alter or destroy human organs, especially the woman’s genitals. Concerning certain methods, such as abortion, the practice can be accepted only in urgent circumstances.
The type of program which is done by the Muhamadiyah is becoming one of the models that show how religious group participate in family program without leaving religious principles. There were such programs funded by Path finder Fund, UNFPA, Family Planning International Assistance, Asia Foundation etc. This even gives experience and wide horizon for both sides that might be followed by other organizations as well as the agencies.
The Nahdlatul Ulama
The Islamic law which is developed and applied by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) characterizes Indonesia. Nurcholish says that Islam in Indonesia should be understood within the context of Indonesian cultural influences. Among the principles of the NU is that of adapting to new situations. The aim of this principle is to create programs and activities which can solve actual problems, not only for the members of the NU but also for the Indonesian nation or even human beings as a whole. This is reflected in their motto: “al-Muh}a>faza ‘ala> al-qadi>m al-s}a>lih} wa al-akhdh bi al-jadi>d al-as}lah}: preserving the old that which remains good and adopting the new that is better.”
In 1968-1969 the Nahdlatul Ulama began to address the importance of family planning for the umma. On September 25, 1969 in Jakarta, The Central Board of the NU produced a document on family planning, which set forth the following guidelines:
1. Family planning should be undertaken as a mean of spacing pregnancies for the sake of family welfare, not preventing pregnancy out of a desire to limit the (members) of the family.
2. Family planning should be based on the importance of the welfare of mother and child, not from the fear of poverty or starvation.
3. Family planning must not include abortion.
4. It is forbidden to destroy and / or remove either the husband’s or his wife’s reproductive organs.
5. Family planning must be an individual matter (voluntary) and not a mass movement with enforced rules.
6. Family planning must take place with the agreement of both husband and wife.
7. Methods of family planning should only include those permissible under religious law and ethics.
8. Couples should be careful not to misuse family planning to commit sin (ma‘s}iyya) or abuse.
The Role of Women in Family Planning in Indonesia.
In Indonesia, especially the participation of women cannot be isolated from the agreement of the ulama to the subject matter. In this case the role of Muslim organization as Muhamadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama is very significant, for they have autonomous bodies which all the members are women such as Aisyiah, Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, Muslimat and Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama. Through these autonomous bodies, they implement family planning programs whether by themselves as well as cooperated with government programs, because the latter for sure they cannot reach everyone, therefore, Muhamadiyah concentrates their programs in urban areas while Nahdlatul Ulama more in the grass root level.
Some of the Population Activities in Support of Family Planning Movement
1. Integrated health-family planning program.
In every activity, family planning movement encourages other development sectors, or various institutions to participate in the family planning activities. To support family planning movement, Ministry of Health Develops National Health system that places community and family as major subject in overcoming health problems. To this reason, it is expected that community has a concern on health or family planning matters related to religion, ethics, and culture to create both public health and health for all.
2. Post for Integrated Health and Family Planning Services (Posyandu), as an effort for maternal and child health.
Family planning development is as an integrated post of maternal and child health, and integrally conducted by other development sectors. One of efforts for improving maternal and child health is conducted through Posyandu activities. Including IEC activities on nutrition, family planning, health, immunization, and family planning services. Posyandu activities have established throughout Indonesia until neighborhood association level, managed by cadres of PKK (Women Movement).
3. International Training Program.
The success of Indonesia in managing family planning program has been recognized by other countries and donor agencies. Because of this success, many countries have sent participants to learn the management of family planning in Indonesia. To anticipate the demand, BKKBN established International Training Program in the mid of eighties, and this institution is now an important asset of the Prosperous Family Development and National Family Planning Movement that is useful to disseminate the ideas of Indonesian Family planning and prosperous family program to other countries. For example, training program in Family Planning IEC (information, Education, and Communication) in July-August 1994 had attended by participants of the several countries.
4. Immunization Program to Reduce Infant Mortality.
According to WHO, child mortality in developing countries is about five millions for year. It is caused by diseases that can be prevented by vaccine, and 500.000 children experienced handicaped because of polio. To prevent this matter, the government mobilize immunization program until village level, by the year 1992, about 73.99% of the number of children under five (Balita) have got immunization, and it is expected that it will increase in the next years. In Table A-6 shows that estimated infant mortality rate (IMR) in 1967 was 145 per 1000 live birth. This rate reduced to 63 in 1990, and it was 52 in 1995.
5. Towards a Self-reliance of the Family Planning.
To maintain the family Planning users. Contraceptive services through both village family planning management Assistance (PPKBD) and Sub-Village Clinics have been successful, but in terms of self-reliant family planning services, BKKBN provides services through village unit cooperatives (KUD). In this cooperation family planning services are paid to KUD. Increasing community participation in national family planning has changed the program managed by government to community movement. The impact of this family planning movement is reflected to fertility reduction year by year. Table A-7 shows that from 1971-1994 had experienced the reduction of total fertility rate (TFR) as much as 50%, namely from 5.6 in 1971to 2.8 in 1994. The reduction of fertility rate was mostly caused by high commitment in development, institutions at village levels supporting family planning, high family planning awareness and practice, and higher age at marriage as well as birth interval. The objective of population development that is necessarily developed in support for the increasing number of labor force (15-60 years), namely 2.5 millions every year. It includes women labor force, and they necessarily get the availability of employment. As shown in Table A-8, one third the labor force (38.86%) is women. By providing an employment for women, it is expected that family social-economic status will improve, and it will improve, and it will improve family welfare. The member of family planning in Indonesia (acceptors) is counted by couple, as a matter of fact that most of the effective contraceptive users are emphasized more on women. We may observe from various tools practiced by them. During 1993-1994 the only means practiced by men is condom (1.79%), while pills (32,25%), injections (29,71%), IUDs (23,90%), implant (7,18%), and sterilization (5,64%) are used by women. (see chart B-3). The other role played by women is concerning the participation of field-workers both Family Planning Field Workers (PLKBs) and Family Planning Field Workers Supervisors (PPLKBs), Community institutions such as Village Family Planning Management Assistants (PPKBDs) and their sub divisions (Sub-PPKBDs), about 90% of them are women, why? Because the issues of family planning is relatively sensitive in the community, thus people especially in the village are more comfortable to consult such matters with them. The weighing group for children is conducted a weighing activity for children under five (Pokbang), children development program (BKB) and income generating program for family (UPPKS) are also provided by women. (see chart B-8)
Education is a long life process, and it has to be provide to young generation earlier. They are expected at least to get a nine-year education.
Estimation of life expectation
Health policy and efforts to improve family welfare will support to increase life expectation for Indonesian population. The increase of family welfare can make family members to get a better health care.
Efforts for the improvement of health and family welfare have already been successful. It is reflected to the increase of life expectation rate for Indonesian people year by year.
Estimation of infant mortility rate (imr).....
Total fertility rate (tfr) .....
Labor force ....
On the chart one we are going to see the Indonesian population trend from 1971 until 1995, and that is 195.283.200. The information on population trend is very important especially relating to the increase of young population number, the number of school age children as well as young labor force which they will cause the increase of education, health, employment needs etc.
I need the following data:
1. page 1 Indonesian map
2. page 5 Tabel 3 Projection of Indonesian population according to sex and age.
3.page 7 Tabel 5 about IMR
4. page 165 the map of Bali
5. page 139 the map of DIY
6. page 3 on Indonesian Population Trend 1971-1995
7. page 11 on the estimation of life expectancy in Indonesia
8. page 13 on Estimation of infant mortality rate in Indonesia
9. page 15 on Total fertility rate
10. page 17 on Number of labor force
11. Info tentang MKE (metode kontrasepsi efektif): IUD, MO sterilization, implant
12. Info tentang NON-MKE
Population activities in support of Family Planning Movement
- Integrated Health-Family Planning Program
- Post for integrated health and family planning services (Posyandu), as an effort for maternal and child health.
- International Training Program
- Immunization program to reduce infant mortality
-Toward a self-reliance of the Family Planning
Bibliography
Nitisastro, Wijoyo. Population Trends in Indonesia . Ithaca, USA: Cornell University Press, 1970.
Bagul, Donal J. Principles of Demography. New York: John Welley and Sons, Inc n.d.
Djoewari, O. Makalah pada seminar pemuda dan family planning Komite Nasional Majlis Pemuda sedunia. Jakarta: 1969.
Suryaningrat, Suwarjono. Memoir Kepala Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana Nasional Pusat. Jakarta: BKKBN, 1983.
Harnawidagda, Hadjid. wawancara atas dasar Terms of Grant Agreement antara Muhammadiyah dengan Family Planning International Assistance (FPIA) New York. n.d
Departemen Penerangan R.I. Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) 1969-1970 sampai dengan 1973-1974 Bandung: Doa Restu vol. II, edisi dua.
Sugiat. Amal Usaha Pelayanan Kesehatan Muhammadiyah, Makalah Raker Majlis PKU Muhammadiyyah, 1986.
Panitia Sejarah PKBI. Sejarah Perkumpulan Keluarga Berencana Indonesia, PKBI, Jakarta, 1975.
United Nations Monthly Chronicle, vol. V/1 World Leaders Declaration on Population, Januari, 1979. Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyyah Majlis Tarjih. Membina Keluarga Sejahtera. PT Persatuan Yogyakarta, 1972.
Pengurus Besar Syuriah Nahdlatul Ulama. Keputusan Pengurus Besar Syuriah Nahdlatul Ulama tentang Keluarga Berencana. Jakarta, 1969.
Surat Keputusan Menteri Kesejahteraan Rakyat tanggal 17 Oktober 1968 tentang Pembentukan Lembaga KB Nasional dan Penunjukan Anggota Badan Pertimbangan LKBN.
Departemen Agama R.I. Keputusan Musyawarah Ulama Terbatas tentang Keluarga Berencana, Jakarta, 1973.
Panitia Musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama. Keputusan Musyawarah Nasional Ulama tentang Kependudukan, Kesehatan dan Pembangunan. Jakarta, 1983.
A Paper presented in The Congress of the Social Sciences and Humanities,
Canadian Asian Studies Association, University of Ottawa,
Ottawa, June 3, 1998
Muslim Women in Indonesian Public Sphere (A Preliminary Observation)
Women’s religious groups in Indonesia have made an undeniable contribution over the years to national development, as may be seen from their activities on behalf of the people both before and after independence. Aisyiyah, for example has been playing a significant role in public affair since its birth in 1917. As the female wing of Muhammadiyah it has, in addition to its specific mandate, to support the policies of the parent body, especially in terms of political decisions. This shows a relative dependence which is in fact unavoidable. Its independence, however, lies especially in its socio-religious activities. Like Aisyiyah, the Muslimat and Fatayat movements of the Nahdlatul Ulama (the one directed at the maturer, the other at the younger generation of Muslim women), in spite of being autonomous bodies, face the same situation. Aisyiyah nevertheless took part in the establishment of the Kongres Perempuan Indonesia in 1928, while both Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU played an important role in the establishment of BMOIWI (Badan Musyawarah Organisasi Islam Wanita Indonesia, The Council of Indonesian Muslim Women’s Organizations) in 1967. Since 1956 (ten years after its establishment) Muslimat has also been active in KOWANI (Kongres Wanita Indonesia, The Indonesian Women’s Congress), while Fatayat NU joined the latter in the 1990.
In the time of the Old Order, Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular did not have the chance to make their particular abilities known to their male fellow citizens in the national political agenda. Their “conventional activities” were perhaps not yet recognized as a meaningful contribution to the country. They are still largely seen as peripheral. During the pre-independence era, women’s organizations operated outside the colonial system; therefore they had relatively the same objective as their male counterparts, which was Indonesian independence. In the post-independence era, however, they have become part of the political system, to which they are expected to lend their support; thus, in strengthening the existing system and they are forced to give up more of their freedom. The only exception to this trend was during the era of Liberal Democracy (Constitutional Democracy) from 1950 to 1957, when eighteen women were elected as members of the first Indonesian parliament: five from PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), four from Masyumi (Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, The Consultative Council for Indonesian Muslims), four from the Nahdlatul Ulama, one from the Indonesian Socialist Party and four from the Indonesian Nationalist Party.
At the present time we find Indonesian women participating at an increased level within the nation’s three main political parties: Golkar (The Functional Group), PPP (The United Development Party) and PDIP (The Struggle Indonesian Democratic Party). Admittedly, in terms of quantity, there has been considerable improvement in the numbers of women, both in the General Assembly and the Parliament, although in terms of quality the contributions of women still fall short of the mark. Why? Because women are allowed to be involved, but generally only at subordinate or second-class levels, while the leadership is still dominated by male-oriented policies. As a matter of fact the percentage of female voters is higher than the male. This situation has naturally done little to help to bring women’s issues to the forefront. Ironically not a single party raises women’s issues as part of its platform.
Golongan Karya has always had women’s divisions at every level of its committees; however, it is obvious that they have relatively fewer strong women “politicians” than may be found in the PPP, such as Aisyah Amini (Wanita Islam), Asmah Syahruni (Muslimat NU) and Megawati Sukarnoputri (PDIP, Muslim by birth). Regardless the controversies of ‘Ulama’s interperetation on the issue of the leadership of a woman govern the country, she is at present being the fifth president of the Republic of Indonesia. It might be noted here that the present representatives of Muslimat NU are Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi in Golkar, and some others in different parties. It is important to note here that most Aisyiyah figures focus on academic life and a career in the civil sevice; therefore, the restrictions on being involved in political parties is unavoidable, which is why we find they are more involved in educational and social rather than political activities. We may mention in this connection Prof. Baroroh Baried and Prof. Maftukhah Yusuf, who are prominent Aisyiyah figures teaching at Gajahmada University and IKIP Jakarta. However, since PAN – the political party that is affiliated to Muhammadiyah -- was established, some Aisyiyah representatives were active there too.
Muslim women’s organisations have had to face other obstacles as well. In the time of the New Order for example,all Islamic parties were fused into one political party, the PPP. The government did not allow this group to use the term Islam. At this stage the Islamic party was tamed. But this strategy proved to be ineffective as a means of reducing Islamic influence. Allowed to retain the Ka’bah as its emblem, it was still able to secure the Muslim vote. In the 1982 general election the PPP still made a relatively strong showing against Golkar. The government however was not satisfied until it had compelled the Islamic party to renounce its religious principles and adopt the state ideology of Pancasila as its basic principle. The holy Ka’bah symbol was therefore replaced by a star. The PPP is therefore no longer officially a Muslim political federation, but an open party like any other.
As an example of how women are influenced by state policy, we may cite the example of the New Order’s policy of restructuring political life in Indonesia in 1972 by amalgamating political parties and strengthening its control over every mass organization, without exception. The women’s movement was also affected by this policy. In 1974 all women’s organizations within government and public institutions were replaced by government-sponsored organizations. Dharma Wanita was founded to replace all such organizations within the government itself while the wives’ organisations in the armed forces were replaced by Dharma Pertiwi. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) was also founded to control women in local administration. In the same year the government started to give funding to KOWANI, which resulted in the state’s gaining control over the latter. According to Sullivan, these organizations reinforced the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that had relegated women to the status of secondary citizens. In addition, the government placed more of a burden on women by reinforcing their dual role in the state guidelines (GBHN) of 1978, in which it is stated that women are expected to fulfil their “essential nature” as housewives and as educators of the younger generation. Despite the establishment of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (1978 with a deputy minister, and a full minister in 1983), there was some doubt as to the capabilities of this ministry to handle women’s issues.
These issues show us how the existing political system has obviously influenced the political attitude of Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular, e.g., from broad and open horizons to narrower objectives which are really of little assistance to them. Fortunately women are not simply passive victims of this kind of repression; indeed, they have struggled in many different ways to emerge from its influence. The constraints were transformed into challenges encouraging them to establish new women’s movements in the 1980s. Soendari identifies three types of the latter. The first included liberal women’s movements, such as Gerakan Kesadaran Perempuan (Women’s Consciousness Movement), Kelompok Kebangkitan Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Awakening Group), and Kalyanamitra. The second included NGO women’s movements which focused on the economic position of rural women, for example YASANTI (Yayasan Annisa Swasti). The third and last type included women students’ associations such as Forum Perempuan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Women’s Forum), Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity) and Yayasan Perempuan Mardhika (Association of Women’s Independence). A common goal of all these new movements was to search for a way to challenge the repressive New Order.
Muslim women in particular have been actively involved in the attempt to improve women’s status in the country. Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi mentions that prior to the emergence of marriage legislation in 1974, Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam and Aisyiyah contributed greatly to abolishing child marriage, which had been allowed by the former Islamic marriage legislation in accordance with fiqh. Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been involved in initiating the establishment of the Advisory Council on Marriages and Repudiations (Badan Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian), which aims to empower women before the courts. It has made a significant difference in this respect, especially for women in rural areas.
Muslimat NU and Aisyiyah have been active in pushing for higher learning for women, in providing health care centres and in improving earning capacity. In the educational sector Aisyiyah and Muslimat have established kindergartens throughout the country. They also provide vocational schools for girls, such as home economics schools, teacher’s colleges, schools for midwives, and nursing schools. In the health sector Muslimat and Aisyiyah are running maternity clinics and hospitals to assist women with pregnancy, family planning, and the pre- and post- natal health of mothers and babies. Fatayat NU, with its younger membership, focuses more on promoting the messages of Islamic teaching on women’s health issues and personal rights in preparation for marriage and afterwards. They provide gender awareness training, reproductive health training and leadership exercises. With the collaboration of the Indonesian government and UNICEF, Fatayat NU has succesfully trained about 5000 women in 16 provinces to be health motivators in child survival programs. Aisyiyah also has been active in this project. In the economic sector, three of these organizations provide Kelompok Bina Usaha, (Enterpreneur Group) programs which train women to improve their skills in home economics, marketing and accessing bank loans.
Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been active at the International Conference of Women (ICW) and the National Commission on the Status of Indonesian Women (KNKWI). Fatayat and Muslimat NU have established cooperative groups, known as Annisa, in collaboration with the Department of Cooperatives of the Republic of Indonesia. In July 1994, Muslimat and Fatayat NU, in conjunction with AIDAB (the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau), conducted training for fruit and vegetable traders, while Muslimat alone has been working with the Indosat corporation to provide loans for petty traders in Jakarta.
The 1990s have been a significant period for Muslim women in Indonesia. During the last decade new Muslim forums and groups have been established, and new Islamic books published which are much more favorable to women than had prevously been the case. Muslimat, Fatayat and IPPNU (The Association of NU Daughters) in Jakarta have, for instance, set up a joint forum on Islam and the advancement of women. In 1994 Pustaka Bandung publishers simultaneously published Indonesian translations of three books: Women in Islam, by Fatima Mernissi, Women in the Qur’an, by Aminah Wadud Muhsin, and Muslim Women and Social Pathology, by Mazhar al-Haq Khan. Indonesian women activists have also had an opportunity to engage in dialogue with Ashgar Ali Engineer, the author of The Rights of Women in Islam and Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani-American Muslim feminist who is constructing a new interpretation of the Qur’an from a woman’s perspective.
In this same era several female political figures have emerged, although education, economics, health and social welfare programs are still considered the most suitable fields for women. Educational programs aimed at women, for example, still place stress on non-formal education rather than non-traditional fields such as engineering or the physical and natural sciences. In addition, the conventional interpretation of the holy Qur’a>n and H}adi>th in regards to some women’s issues still dominates the field and does little to help improve the status of Muslim women.
On the other hand, there are many influential and prominent Islamic leaders who support the emergence of a more liberating interpretation of Islamic teachings. We may mention here Nurcholish Majid, Abdurrahman Wahid and others. Quraish Shihab, religious supervisor for the Islamic daily newpaper Republika, has played an important role in creating a new, modern and more acceptable interpretation of Islamic discourse concerning women’s issues. Fatayat NU working with Kalyanamitra and Masdar Farid Mas’udi has provided female santris in some provinces with training in gender awareness and reproductive health programs, projects that directly focus on actual women’s issues.
These developmentss tend to prove that the conventional interpretation of the Qur’a>n often misses the real intention of the text. Women today believe that the real intention of the scripture is to guarantee the equality of all humans and to indicate that all are the same before God. Those involved in such reformist efforts should look at the cultural and historical context, thus not only the context of Arabia in the seventh century but also the specific event for which a particular part of the Qur’a>n was revealed. Nurcholish Majid says that the Qur’a>n was never intended to be an absolute guide regulating every last detail of the believers life but rather was intended to be a revelation of God’s intended ideals and guiding principle for man. Abdurrahman Wahid remarks that the social teachings of Islam must be re-interpreted in accordance with the demands of a rapidly changing society and in response to modernity. Similarly, Johan Effendy is aware of the need for a fresh, new approach to understanding Islam in the context of Indonesian society in the twentieth century. He argues that ‘openness to new ideas and fresh ways of seeing was an inescapable requirement for the rational development of Islamic thought.’
Thus, according to some recent interpretations given by Indonesian thinkers, the Qur’a>n acknowledges that men and women are a safeguard for one another. This means that Islam recognizes that men and women are equal before God, that they have the same duties toward God and humankind alike, and enjoy rights and responsibilities in accordance with their position in society. Maftukhah Yusuf remarks that most Indonesian Muslim men are like men in other Muslim countries: they are not yet willing to give up their power and do not recognize the rights of women to exercise leadership. She proposes that the way to change this is to convince men that women’s leadership will not lessen the prestige of men’s leadership; rather, it will offer an alternative form of problem-solving that men’s leadership cannot achieve. She argues further that women themselves have to struggle to prove that they have the ability to be leaders. She also believes that present attitudes towards women are incompatible with the teachings of the Qur’a>n.
Despite her progressive thought on women, Maftukhah still maintains a conventional belief in the gender-based division of labour. She argues that although men and women are equal, they have different functions. She remarks that bringing up children and taking care of the household are a woman’s duties. However, in practice she often has her husband take care of the children, do the shopping, or cook while she is busy with her own work. She uses the rhetoric ‘my husband took over my responsibilities at home.’ The question is then, why does this prominent woman need to emphasize that she is a good housewife and mother? Maftukhah answers that women’s leadership can be accepted in male dominated society with some conditions. One of them is the ability of women to prove that they fulfil the characteristics of a ‘good woman,’ the criteria for which include believing in God, fulfilling one’s duties as a housewife and mother, and obeying one’s husband without reducing one’s dignity and independence.
As is indicated in some recent aoutobiographies many Muslim women are dissatisfied with their role of merely being wife and mother. Baroroh Barid for example argues that if a woman is merely acting as a housewife and mother it means that she is only playing one third of her role as a human being. She further says that Muslim women have responsibilities in their society and therefore should take greater part in public life.
The truth is that Islam assures both men and women the right to exercise leadership either in the family or in society. Kiyai Wahid Zaini remarks that Islam gives equal opportunity to both husband and wife to be the head of the family. He argues that the Islamic teachings on family leadership are complementary and points out that in Indonesia there has been a tradition whereby that husband and wife help each other, for example, when women work in the rice field or in the office their husbands take care of the children, a practice which is in line with Islamic teaching. Kiyai Ali Yafie firthermore has criticised the interpretation of the hadith that says: a group of people will not be successful if they are led by women.’ He notes that this hadi>th was in response to a controversy surrounding the succession in Persia, where on the death of the king the higher officials appointed his daughter to lead the country, a decision which in this case led to the kingdom’s ruin due to her lack of ability. The hadith was Prophet Muhammad’s comment on this particular issue and was never intended as a blanket injunction against women serving as leaders of society. The Qur’a>n mentions a wise woman ruler, queen Balqis (the queen of Sheba), for instance, in the period of the prophet Sulaiman.
Although Masdar F. Mas’udi and Quraish Shihab argue that the role of women as educators of children is very important, they encourage women to participate in public life. Masdar argues further that if a wife works for an income, the income belongs to her personally and need not be shared. Quraish Shihab also emphasises that the wife has a right to maintain her own property without the husband’s agreement. Commenting on a wife’s obligation to obey her husband, Ali Yafie argues that the husband’s consent is not absolute. For example, a wife who refuses to have sex with her husband is not automatically guilty of sin. If there is a ‘valid’ reason it is not opposed to the religious norm.
On the question of polygamy, the new discourse emphasizes the woman’s rights rather than the man’s. The wife’s opinion on this matter is absolutely vital, and the most important requirement of polygamy is justice. The Qur’an al-Nisa’ 3 says that ‘If you fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, two, or three or four. But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hand possess. That will be more suitable to prevent you from doing injustice.’
Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar Farid Mas’udi both agree that justice here is to be defined not only from the husband’s view but also from the wife’s. The former argues that this verse means that it is the wife who should determine whether the husband is being just or not, while the latter says that we should look at the issue of polygamy in the context of its revelation. In the pre-Islamic period there were rich men and leaders of tribes who had countless wives. Therefore Islam’s limit of four wives was a revolutionary attitude for that time. In this era when monogamy is the norm, the strict requirement to have no more than one wife must be strengthened. Masdar believes that ‘if this requirement is carefully observed, there might be no men who can have polygamy.
It is very important to note here that more liberating discourse on women still circulates among only relatively few educated Indonesians. The fifty-six religious books on women’s issues analysed by Johan Meuleman support conventional discourses. The writing of most editorials and the supervision of religious or counselling columns in Islamic journals and newspapers are likewise still dominated by men.
Concluding remarks:
On the basis of the above explanation, one may tentatively conclude that the Indonesians seem to recognize the important role that women have to play in the development, at least at a cognitive level; however, in practice most social institutions do not optimize the agenda of women’s empowerment. Obviously they respect women‘s achievement in theory, and trumpet them in their development slogans but they nevertheless ignore them in political practice. Indonesians need to understand that women face a triple struggle: as backward citizens; as poor peasants and as women in the middle of a male-dominated society. Muslim women’s organizations especially Aisyiah, Muslimat and Fatayat NU need to support women physically and spiritually on the one hand and at the same time, while realizing the importance of their conventional ststus, challenge them with more selective activities of modern development.
Bibliography
Ali, Yusuf. The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Lahore: Presidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs, 1946.
Baidlowi, Aisyah Hamid. “Profil Organisasi Wanita Islam Indonesia: Studi Kasus Muslimat NU,” Unpublished paper, 1993.
Barid, Baroroh. “Islam and the Modernisation of Indonesian Women’ in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (eds) Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986.
Barton, Greg. “The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic Neo-modernism in Indonesia” in M. C. Ricklefs (ed.) Islam in the Indonesian Social Context, Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991.
-------. “The Beginning of Neo-Modernist Islamic Thought in Indonesia” Unpublished paper presented at the Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University 11 August, 1994.
-------. “The Impact of Neo Modernism on Indonesian Islamic Thought: The Emergence of a New Pluralism” in David Bourchier and John Legge (eds.) Democracy in Indonesia 1950s and 1990s Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.
Farid Mas’udi, Masdar “Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
------, Islam & Hak-hak Reproduksi Perempuan (Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan) Bandung: Mizan, 1997.
Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. “Engendering Democracy. A Reflection on the use of Women in New Order Indonesia,” Unpublished paper, presented at Conference on Indonesian Democracy, Monash University, Australia, 1992.
Massadiah et al. Srikandi: Sejumlah Wanita Indonesia Berprestasi . Ciptawidya: Jakarta, 1991.
Meuleman, Johan. “Analisis tentang buku-buku yang beredar di Indonesia,” paper presented at Seminar Wanita Islam Indonesia Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta 2-5 December 1991.
Pelita 22 July, 1994
Pimpinan Pusat Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangannya, no place, no date.
Pucuk Pimpinan Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Keputusan Kongres XI Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta, 1995.
Pucuk Pimpinan Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, Hsil Keputusan Rapat Kerja Nasional Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama Tahun 1992, Jakarta, 1993.
Shihab, Quraish. Membumikan Al-Qur’an: Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.
Soendari, “Potret Pergerakan Perempuan Indonesia: Berjuang melawan kediktaturan Orde Baru” Progres Vol. 1 No. 3. (1991): 17-20.
Sullivan, Norma. “Gender and Politics in Indonesia” in Maila Stevens (ed.) Why gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Monash Paper on Southeast Asia No. 23, 1991.
Tan, Mely G. (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Wertheim, W. “Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality in BB Hering (ed.) Studies on Indonesian Islam, Townsville, James Cook University of Nort Queensland, 1986.
Woodcroft-Lee, Carlen Patricia. ”Separate but Equal: Indonesian Muslim Perceptions of the Roles of Women” in Leonor Manderson (ed.) Women’s Work and Roles in Everyday Life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Canberra, ANU, 1983, 174.
Yafie, Ali. “Women’s Status and Leadership” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
Yusuf, Maftukhah. “Kepemimpinan Perempuan: Pemikiran Seorang Muslimat” in Mely G. Tan (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Zaini. Wahid .‘The Advancement of Women’s Role’ in Islam and The Advancement of Women, Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
* Michigan University
written on 11th of august 2004
In the time of the Old Order, Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular did not have the chance to make their particular abilities known to their male fellow citizens in the national political agenda. Their “conventional activities” were perhaps not yet recognized as a meaningful contribution to the country. They are still largely seen as peripheral. During the pre-independence era, women’s organizations operated outside the colonial system; therefore they had relatively the same objective as their male counterparts, which was Indonesian independence. In the post-independence era, however, they have become part of the political system, to which they are expected to lend their support; thus, in strengthening the existing system and they are forced to give up more of their freedom. The only exception to this trend was during the era of Liberal Democracy (Constitutional Democracy) from 1950 to 1957, when eighteen women were elected as members of the first Indonesian parliament: five from PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), four from Masyumi (Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, The Consultative Council for Indonesian Muslims), four from the Nahdlatul Ulama, one from the Indonesian Socialist Party and four from the Indonesian Nationalist Party.
At the present time we find Indonesian women participating at an increased level within the nation’s three main political parties: Golkar (The Functional Group), PPP (The United Development Party) and PDIP (The Struggle Indonesian Democratic Party). Admittedly, in terms of quantity, there has been considerable improvement in the numbers of women, both in the General Assembly and the Parliament, although in terms of quality the contributions of women still fall short of the mark. Why? Because women are allowed to be involved, but generally only at subordinate or second-class levels, while the leadership is still dominated by male-oriented policies. As a matter of fact the percentage of female voters is higher than the male. This situation has naturally done little to help to bring women’s issues to the forefront. Ironically not a single party raises women’s issues as part of its platform.
Golongan Karya has always had women’s divisions at every level of its committees; however, it is obvious that they have relatively fewer strong women “politicians” than may be found in the PPP, such as Aisyah Amini (Wanita Islam), Asmah Syahruni (Muslimat NU) and Megawati Sukarnoputri (PDIP, Muslim by birth). Regardless the controversies of ‘Ulama’s interperetation on the issue of the leadership of a woman govern the country, she is at present being the fifth president of the Republic of Indonesia. It might be noted here that the present representatives of Muslimat NU are Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi in Golkar, and some others in different parties. It is important to note here that most Aisyiyah figures focus on academic life and a career in the civil sevice; therefore, the restrictions on being involved in political parties is unavoidable, which is why we find they are more involved in educational and social rather than political activities. We may mention in this connection Prof. Baroroh Baried and Prof. Maftukhah Yusuf, who are prominent Aisyiyah figures teaching at Gajahmada University and IKIP Jakarta. However, since PAN – the political party that is affiliated to Muhammadiyah -- was established, some Aisyiyah representatives were active there too.
Muslim women’s organisations have had to face other obstacles as well. In the time of the New Order for example,all Islamic parties were fused into one political party, the PPP. The government did not allow this group to use the term Islam. At this stage the Islamic party was tamed. But this strategy proved to be ineffective as a means of reducing Islamic influence. Allowed to retain the Ka’bah as its emblem, it was still able to secure the Muslim vote. In the 1982 general election the PPP still made a relatively strong showing against Golkar. The government however was not satisfied until it had compelled the Islamic party to renounce its religious principles and adopt the state ideology of Pancasila as its basic principle. The holy Ka’bah symbol was therefore replaced by a star. The PPP is therefore no longer officially a Muslim political federation, but an open party like any other.
As an example of how women are influenced by state policy, we may cite the example of the New Order’s policy of restructuring political life in Indonesia in 1972 by amalgamating political parties and strengthening its control over every mass organization, without exception. The women’s movement was also affected by this policy. In 1974 all women’s organizations within government and public institutions were replaced by government-sponsored organizations. Dharma Wanita was founded to replace all such organizations within the government itself while the wives’ organisations in the armed forces were replaced by Dharma Pertiwi. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) was also founded to control women in local administration. In the same year the government started to give funding to KOWANI, which resulted in the state’s gaining control over the latter. According to Sullivan, these organizations reinforced the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that had relegated women to the status of secondary citizens. In addition, the government placed more of a burden on women by reinforcing their dual role in the state guidelines (GBHN) of 1978, in which it is stated that women are expected to fulfil their “essential nature” as housewives and as educators of the younger generation. Despite the establishment of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (1978 with a deputy minister, and a full minister in 1983), there was some doubt as to the capabilities of this ministry to handle women’s issues.
These issues show us how the existing political system has obviously influenced the political attitude of Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular, e.g., from broad and open horizons to narrower objectives which are really of little assistance to them. Fortunately women are not simply passive victims of this kind of repression; indeed, they have struggled in many different ways to emerge from its influence. The constraints were transformed into challenges encouraging them to establish new women’s movements in the 1980s. Soendari identifies three types of the latter. The first included liberal women’s movements, such as Gerakan Kesadaran Perempuan (Women’s Consciousness Movement), Kelompok Kebangkitan Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Awakening Group), and Kalyanamitra. The second included NGO women’s movements which focused on the economic position of rural women, for example YASANTI (Yayasan Annisa Swasti). The third and last type included women students’ associations such as Forum Perempuan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Women’s Forum), Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity) and Yayasan Perempuan Mardhika (Association of Women’s Independence). A common goal of all these new movements was to search for a way to challenge the repressive New Order.
Muslim women in particular have been actively involved in the attempt to improve women’s status in the country. Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi mentions that prior to the emergence of marriage legislation in 1974, Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam and Aisyiyah contributed greatly to abolishing child marriage, which had been allowed by the former Islamic marriage legislation in accordance with fiqh. Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been involved in initiating the establishment of the Advisory Council on Marriages and Repudiations (Badan Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian), which aims to empower women before the courts. It has made a significant difference in this respect, especially for women in rural areas.
Muslimat NU and Aisyiyah have been active in pushing for higher learning for women, in providing health care centres and in improving earning capacity. In the educational sector Aisyiyah and Muslimat have established kindergartens throughout the country. They also provide vocational schools for girls, such as home economics schools, teacher’s colleges, schools for midwives, and nursing schools. In the health sector Muslimat and Aisyiyah are running maternity clinics and hospitals to assist women with pregnancy, family planning, and the pre- and post- natal health of mothers and babies. Fatayat NU, with its younger membership, focuses more on promoting the messages of Islamic teaching on women’s health issues and personal rights in preparation for marriage and afterwards. They provide gender awareness training, reproductive health training and leadership exercises. With the collaboration of the Indonesian government and UNICEF, Fatayat NU has succesfully trained about 5000 women in 16 provinces to be health motivators in child survival programs. Aisyiyah also has been active in this project. In the economic sector, three of these organizations provide Kelompok Bina Usaha, (Enterpreneur Group) programs which train women to improve their skills in home economics, marketing and accessing bank loans.
Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been active at the International Conference of Women (ICW) and the National Commission on the Status of Indonesian Women (KNKWI). Fatayat and Muslimat NU have established cooperative groups, known as Annisa, in collaboration with the Department of Cooperatives of the Republic of Indonesia. In July 1994, Muslimat and Fatayat NU, in conjunction with AIDAB (the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau), conducted training for fruit and vegetable traders, while Muslimat alone has been working with the Indosat corporation to provide loans for petty traders in Jakarta.
The 1990s have been a significant period for Muslim women in Indonesia. During the last decade new Muslim forums and groups have been established, and new Islamic books published which are much more favorable to women than had prevously been the case. Muslimat, Fatayat and IPPNU (The Association of NU Daughters) in Jakarta have, for instance, set up a joint forum on Islam and the advancement of women. In 1994 Pustaka Bandung publishers simultaneously published Indonesian translations of three books: Women in Islam, by Fatima Mernissi, Women in the Qur’an, by Aminah Wadud Muhsin, and Muslim Women and Social Pathology, by Mazhar al-Haq Khan. Indonesian women activists have also had an opportunity to engage in dialogue with Ashgar Ali Engineer, the author of The Rights of Women in Islam and Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani-American Muslim feminist who is constructing a new interpretation of the Qur’an from a woman’s perspective.
In this same era several female political figures have emerged, although education, economics, health and social welfare programs are still considered the most suitable fields for women. Educational programs aimed at women, for example, still place stress on non-formal education rather than non-traditional fields such as engineering or the physical and natural sciences. In addition, the conventional interpretation of the holy Qur’a>n and H}adi>th in regards to some women’s issues still dominates the field and does little to help improve the status of Muslim women.
On the other hand, there are many influential and prominent Islamic leaders who support the emergence of a more liberating interpretation of Islamic teachings. We may mention here Nurcholish Majid, Abdurrahman Wahid and others. Quraish Shihab, religious supervisor for the Islamic daily newpaper Republika, has played an important role in creating a new, modern and more acceptable interpretation of Islamic discourse concerning women’s issues. Fatayat NU working with Kalyanamitra and Masdar Farid Mas’udi has provided female santris in some provinces with training in gender awareness and reproductive health programs, projects that directly focus on actual women’s issues.
These developmentss tend to prove that the conventional interpretation of the Qur’a>n often misses the real intention of the text. Women today believe that the real intention of the scripture is to guarantee the equality of all humans and to indicate that all are the same before God. Those involved in such reformist efforts should look at the cultural and historical context, thus not only the context of Arabia in the seventh century but also the specific event for which a particular part of the Qur’a>n was revealed. Nurcholish Majid says that the Qur’a>n was never intended to be an absolute guide regulating every last detail of the believers life but rather was intended to be a revelation of God’s intended ideals and guiding principle for man. Abdurrahman Wahid remarks that the social teachings of Islam must be re-interpreted in accordance with the demands of a rapidly changing society and in response to modernity. Similarly, Johan Effendy is aware of the need for a fresh, new approach to understanding Islam in the context of Indonesian society in the twentieth century. He argues that ‘openness to new ideas and fresh ways of seeing was an inescapable requirement for the rational development of Islamic thought.’
Thus, according to some recent interpretations given by Indonesian thinkers, the Qur’a>n acknowledges that men and women are a safeguard for one another. This means that Islam recognizes that men and women are equal before God, that they have the same duties toward God and humankind alike, and enjoy rights and responsibilities in accordance with their position in society. Maftukhah Yusuf remarks that most Indonesian Muslim men are like men in other Muslim countries: they are not yet willing to give up their power and do not recognize the rights of women to exercise leadership. She proposes that the way to change this is to convince men that women’s leadership will not lessen the prestige of men’s leadership; rather, it will offer an alternative form of problem-solving that men’s leadership cannot achieve. She argues further that women themselves have to struggle to prove that they have the ability to be leaders. She also believes that present attitudes towards women are incompatible with the teachings of the Qur’a>n.
Despite her progressive thought on women, Maftukhah still maintains a conventional belief in the gender-based division of labour. She argues that although men and women are equal, they have different functions. She remarks that bringing up children and taking care of the household are a woman’s duties. However, in practice she often has her husband take care of the children, do the shopping, or cook while she is busy with her own work. She uses the rhetoric ‘my husband took over my responsibilities at home.’ The question is then, why does this prominent woman need to emphasize that she is a good housewife and mother? Maftukhah answers that women’s leadership can be accepted in male dominated society with some conditions. One of them is the ability of women to prove that they fulfil the characteristics of a ‘good woman,’ the criteria for which include believing in God, fulfilling one’s duties as a housewife and mother, and obeying one’s husband without reducing one’s dignity and independence.
As is indicated in some recent aoutobiographies many Muslim women are dissatisfied with their role of merely being wife and mother. Baroroh Barid for example argues that if a woman is merely acting as a housewife and mother it means that she is only playing one third of her role as a human being. She further says that Muslim women have responsibilities in their society and therefore should take greater part in public life.
The truth is that Islam assures both men and women the right to exercise leadership either in the family or in society. Kiyai Wahid Zaini remarks that Islam gives equal opportunity to both husband and wife to be the head of the family. He argues that the Islamic teachings on family leadership are complementary and points out that in Indonesia there has been a tradition whereby that husband and wife help each other, for example, when women work in the rice field or in the office their husbands take care of the children, a practice which is in line with Islamic teaching. Kiyai Ali Yafie firthermore has criticised the interpretation of the hadith that says: a group of people will not be successful if they are led by women.’ He notes that this hadi>th was in response to a controversy surrounding the succession in Persia, where on the death of the king the higher officials appointed his daughter to lead the country, a decision which in this case led to the kingdom’s ruin due to her lack of ability. The hadith was Prophet Muhammad’s comment on this particular issue and was never intended as a blanket injunction against women serving as leaders of society. The Qur’a>n mentions a wise woman ruler, queen Balqis (the queen of Sheba), for instance, in the period of the prophet Sulaiman.
Although Masdar F. Mas’udi and Quraish Shihab argue that the role of women as educators of children is very important, they encourage women to participate in public life. Masdar argues further that if a wife works for an income, the income belongs to her personally and need not be shared. Quraish Shihab also emphasises that the wife has a right to maintain her own property without the husband’s agreement. Commenting on a wife’s obligation to obey her husband, Ali Yafie argues that the husband’s consent is not absolute. For example, a wife who refuses to have sex with her husband is not automatically guilty of sin. If there is a ‘valid’ reason it is not opposed to the religious norm.
On the question of polygamy, the new discourse emphasizes the woman’s rights rather than the man’s. The wife’s opinion on this matter is absolutely vital, and the most important requirement of polygamy is justice. The Qur’an al-Nisa’ 3 says that ‘If you fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, two, or three or four. But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hand possess. That will be more suitable to prevent you from doing injustice.’
Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar Farid Mas’udi both agree that justice here is to be defined not only from the husband’s view but also from the wife’s. The former argues that this verse means that it is the wife who should determine whether the husband is being just or not, while the latter says that we should look at the issue of polygamy in the context of its revelation. In the pre-Islamic period there were rich men and leaders of tribes who had countless wives. Therefore Islam’s limit of four wives was a revolutionary attitude for that time. In this era when monogamy is the norm, the strict requirement to have no more than one wife must be strengthened. Masdar believes that ‘if this requirement is carefully observed, there might be no men who can have polygamy.
It is very important to note here that more liberating discourse on women still circulates among only relatively few educated Indonesians. The fifty-six religious books on women’s issues analysed by Johan Meuleman support conventional discourses. The writing of most editorials and the supervision of religious or counselling columns in Islamic journals and newspapers are likewise still dominated by men.
Concluding remarks:
On the basis of the above explanation, one may tentatively conclude that the Indonesians seem to recognize the important role that women have to play in the development, at least at a cognitive level; however, in practice most social institutions do not optimize the agenda of women’s empowerment. Obviously they respect women‘s achievement in theory, and trumpet them in their development slogans but they nevertheless ignore them in political practice. Indonesians need to understand that women face a triple struggle: as backward citizens; as poor peasants and as women in the middle of a male-dominated society. Muslim women’s organizations especially Aisyiah, Muslimat and Fatayat NU need to support women physically and spiritually on the one hand and at the same time, while realizing the importance of their conventional ststus, challenge them with more selective activities of modern development.
Bibliography
Ali, Yusuf. The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Lahore: Presidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs, 1946.
Baidlowi, Aisyah Hamid. “Profil Organisasi Wanita Islam Indonesia: Studi Kasus Muslimat NU,” Unpublished paper, 1993.
Barid, Baroroh. “Islam and the Modernisation of Indonesian Women’ in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (eds) Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986.
Barton, Greg. “The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic Neo-modernism in Indonesia” in M. C. Ricklefs (ed.) Islam in the Indonesian Social Context, Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991.
-------. “The Beginning of Neo-Modernist Islamic Thought in Indonesia” Unpublished paper presented at the Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University 11 August, 1994.
-------. “The Impact of Neo Modernism on Indonesian Islamic Thought: The Emergence of a New Pluralism” in David Bourchier and John Legge (eds.) Democracy in Indonesia 1950s and 1990s Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.
Farid Mas’udi, Masdar “Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
------, Islam & Hak-hak Reproduksi Perempuan (Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan) Bandung: Mizan, 1997.
Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. “Engendering Democracy. A Reflection on the use of Women in New Order Indonesia,” Unpublished paper, presented at Conference on Indonesian Democracy, Monash University, Australia, 1992.
Massadiah et al. Srikandi: Sejumlah Wanita Indonesia Berprestasi . Ciptawidya: Jakarta, 1991.
Meuleman, Johan. “Analisis tentang buku-buku yang beredar di Indonesia,” paper presented at Seminar Wanita Islam Indonesia Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta 2-5 December 1991.
Pelita 22 July, 1994
Pimpinan Pusat Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangannya, no place, no date.
Pucuk Pimpinan Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Keputusan Kongres XI Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta, 1995.
Pucuk Pimpinan Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, Hsil Keputusan Rapat Kerja Nasional Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama Tahun 1992, Jakarta, 1993.
Shihab, Quraish. Membumikan Al-Qur’an: Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.
Soendari, “Potret Pergerakan Perempuan Indonesia: Berjuang melawan kediktaturan Orde Baru” Progres Vol. 1 No. 3. (1991): 17-20.
Sullivan, Norma. “Gender and Politics in Indonesia” in Maila Stevens (ed.) Why gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Monash Paper on Southeast Asia No. 23, 1991.
Tan, Mely G. (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Wertheim, W. “Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality in BB Hering (ed.) Studies on Indonesian Islam, Townsville, James Cook University of Nort Queensland, 1986.
Woodcroft-Lee, Carlen Patricia. ”Separate but Equal: Indonesian Muslim Perceptions of the Roles of Women” in Leonor Manderson (ed.) Women’s Work and Roles in Everyday Life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Canberra, ANU, 1983, 174.
Yafie, Ali. “Women’s Status and Leadership” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
Yusuf, Maftukhah. “Kepemimpinan Perempuan: Pemikiran Seorang Muslimat” in Mely G. Tan (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Zaini. Wahid .‘The Advancement of Women’s Role’ in Islam and The Advancement of Women, Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
* Michigan University
written on 11th of august 2004
ISLAMIC WOMAN IN FAMILY AND SOCIETY
Discussing Muslim women in family and society is interesting because in Islam the role of women, both in the family as well as in the society is very important.
In Islam, we cannot discuss women without paying attention to men at all. Because man and women as servant of God (‘abid) and as God’s representative (khali>fa) on the earth, are equal. There is no superiority of one over the other.
Islam emphasizes harmony in family, equality and partnership between husband and wife. No one dominated. However, if there is disharmony, domination of violence against one’s right, Islam provides solutions for the oppressed one. The husband has the right to divorce, which has to be used correctly. The wife can have khulu’ (divorce with compensation), or fasakh (request to the judge to end the marriage), or syiqoq (a serious conflict between husband and wife).
Islam describes family partnership as complementary, which means that there is mutual dependence and mutual support from both husband and wife. Men are responsible for the mean of the family, women may help voluntarily. Each of the husband and the wife is the family head in the position suitable for their kodrah (innate or inborn characters).
The characters which Allah has determined for every single thing. Men and women have been blessed with enough potential and capabilities to bear responsibilities and to enable these two sexes to carry out general and specific activities.
Allah has created the biological differences between men and women in order to carry out different functions. The term which is used here, is distinction not discrimination. In the family, woman should not be burdened economically. However, there are different interpretation about verse related to women’s activities outside the house. But it can be shortly formulated that women have the right to work, as long as they need to work or the work need them.
In emergency condition, women even have to work to support the family. But in Islam, a women always has someone who supports her and responsible for her, e.q. brother, father, husband, etc. Perhaps women’s activities outside the house should be emphasized on their social rather than economic roles. Hence, women can have more strategic position and develop themselves better.
The prophet Muh}ammad says :
“Be careful about women (in the matter of woman). Because they are under your responsibility (men). You chose them as wife based on the amanat of Alla>h (God’s responsibility) and you may possess them (hala>l for you) based on the God’s words”
The husband’s permission for the wife to go out of the house should be Ijma>li (general). It is more cultural obligation; the husband or the other members of the family also notify each other when they go out of the house. If the husband’s permission is considered as legally formal, it is at the operational or technical level, not fundamental.
In the family, men and women’s good relationship is based on Ma’ru>f i.e. good and decent ways according to acceptable norms of a society, as long as not contradictory to Islamic teachings. So the forms of husband and wife’s equal partnership are flexible in line with acceptable practice in the society.
The prophet Muh}ammad (peace be upon him), is a model, including in his attitude to his wives, to follow. He placed his wives as partners in the struggle not as objects. His wives had positive roles in supporting his struggle. His wives were involve in the decision making process. The prophet’s merciful love to women was indeed high.
The Qur’a>n says :
“And of His (lord) signs in this : He created for you help-meets from yourselves that you might find rest in them, and He ordained between you love and mercy. Lord herein indeed are potents for folk who reflect”.
In other verses Qur’a>n recites :
In Islam, there are rights and obligations between wife and husband as stated in the Qur’a>n. Husband should behave nice things to his wife and vice versa.
As a social being, women are allowed to associated with the society; they may work to help the poor, educate and teach the stupid. In the case of the prophet’s wives i.e. Siti Khadidjah who supported the struggle of the prophet Muh}ammad with her wealth, or in the military sector like Siti Aisyah who became a commander.
The key is women’s ability to manage the time in implementing the roles and remember their kodrah and status as muslim women. However busy she is, a woman should still spare time for her family, quantitatively the time spent may be little but attention should be high (qualitatively).
Muslim women in Indonesia have a wide opportunity in line with Islam. Women like a men, have the right to be active in politics in the framework of amar ma’ru>f nahi munkar (enjoying what is just and forbidding what is wrong). Like in Islam , The Nation State Guidelines (GBHN) 1993 discusses the rights, the obligations and the opportunities of women which are identical to men. It also discussed how to empower the role of women as “mitra sejajar” to the men in the development; healthy family; educated children, adolescent and youth to make up a nation building completely i,e. physically and spiritually, etc.
The Prophet Muh}ammad says :
“The best person among yourselves in he who takes good care of his wife, and I myself take good care of my wives (the best among you). He who respects women is respectful person and He who doesn’t, would be a person who doesn’t understand good behaviour”.
The prophet Muh}ammad (peace be upon him) also says that :
“The best women is when you (husband) look into her, she makes you happy, when you order her (to good things) she obeys, when you travel (away from home), she takes good care of your belongings as well as herself”.
The five basics of human rights according to fiqh (Islamic Law) which are shared by men and women equally are as followed :
1. Rights for physical safety.
2. Rights for safety of faith.
3. Rights for safety of the family / purity of offsprings.
4. Rights for personal property.
5. Rights for safety at work.
Verses or Islamic teachings which restrain women should be seen from the context in which they were revealed. The present condition is no longer the same as the time when they were revealed 14 centuries ago.
Awareness raising of women’s status and rights should be together to both men and women. Many men cannot respect women because of ignorance, prestige or egoism.
Two things at least should be done :
1. Increase women’s knowledge of their rights and responsibilities and;
2. Increase men and women’s quality.
Lack of knowledge causes narrow mindedness.
Referrences :
1. Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women : Drs. Masdar F. Mas’udi.
2. Islam and Women’s Rights : K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid.
3. Woman’s Kodrah vs Cultural Norm : DR. Quraisy Shihab.
4. The advancement of Woman’s Role : K.H. A. Wahid Zaini.
5. Woman’s Status and Leadership : K.H. Ali Yafie.
Montreal, July 3rd, 1997
In Islam, we cannot discuss women without paying attention to men at all. Because man and women as servant of God (‘abid) and as God’s representative (khali>fa) on the earth, are equal. There is no superiority of one over the other.
Islam emphasizes harmony in family, equality and partnership between husband and wife. No one dominated. However, if there is disharmony, domination of violence against one’s right, Islam provides solutions for the oppressed one. The husband has the right to divorce, which has to be used correctly. The wife can have khulu’ (divorce with compensation), or fasakh (request to the judge to end the marriage), or syiqoq (a serious conflict between husband and wife).
Islam describes family partnership as complementary, which means that there is mutual dependence and mutual support from both husband and wife. Men are responsible for the mean of the family, women may help voluntarily. Each of the husband and the wife is the family head in the position suitable for their kodrah (innate or inborn characters).
The characters which Allah has determined for every single thing. Men and women have been blessed with enough potential and capabilities to bear responsibilities and to enable these two sexes to carry out general and specific activities.
Allah has created the biological differences between men and women in order to carry out different functions. The term which is used here, is distinction not discrimination. In the family, woman should not be burdened economically. However, there are different interpretation about verse related to women’s activities outside the house. But it can be shortly formulated that women have the right to work, as long as they need to work or the work need them.
In emergency condition, women even have to work to support the family. But in Islam, a women always has someone who supports her and responsible for her, e.q. brother, father, husband, etc. Perhaps women’s activities outside the house should be emphasized on their social rather than economic roles. Hence, women can have more strategic position and develop themselves better.
The prophet Muh}ammad says :
“Be careful about women (in the matter of woman). Because they are under your responsibility (men). You chose them as wife based on the amanat of Alla>h (God’s responsibility) and you may possess them (hala>l for you) based on the God’s words”
The husband’s permission for the wife to go out of the house should be Ijma>li (general). It is more cultural obligation; the husband or the other members of the family also notify each other when they go out of the house. If the husband’s permission is considered as legally formal, it is at the operational or technical level, not fundamental.
In the family, men and women’s good relationship is based on Ma’ru>f i.e. good and decent ways according to acceptable norms of a society, as long as not contradictory to Islamic teachings. So the forms of husband and wife’s equal partnership are flexible in line with acceptable practice in the society.
The prophet Muh}ammad (peace be upon him), is a model, including in his attitude to his wives, to follow. He placed his wives as partners in the struggle not as objects. His wives had positive roles in supporting his struggle. His wives were involve in the decision making process. The prophet’s merciful love to women was indeed high.
The Qur’a>n says :
“And of His (lord) signs in this : He created for you help-meets from yourselves that you might find rest in them, and He ordained between you love and mercy. Lord herein indeed are potents for folk who reflect”.
In other verses Qur’a>n recites :
In Islam, there are rights and obligations between wife and husband as stated in the Qur’a>n. Husband should behave nice things to his wife and vice versa.
As a social being, women are allowed to associated with the society; they may work to help the poor, educate and teach the stupid. In the case of the prophet’s wives i.e. Siti Khadidjah who supported the struggle of the prophet Muh}ammad with her wealth, or in the military sector like Siti Aisyah who became a commander.
The key is women’s ability to manage the time in implementing the roles and remember their kodrah and status as muslim women. However busy she is, a woman should still spare time for her family, quantitatively the time spent may be little but attention should be high (qualitatively).
Muslim women in Indonesia have a wide opportunity in line with Islam. Women like a men, have the right to be active in politics in the framework of amar ma’ru>f nahi munkar (enjoying what is just and forbidding what is wrong). Like in Islam , The Nation State Guidelines (GBHN) 1993 discusses the rights, the obligations and the opportunities of women which are identical to men. It also discussed how to empower the role of women as “mitra sejajar” to the men in the development; healthy family; educated children, adolescent and youth to make up a nation building completely i,e. physically and spiritually, etc.
The Prophet Muh}ammad says :
“The best person among yourselves in he who takes good care of his wife, and I myself take good care of my wives (the best among you). He who respects women is respectful person and He who doesn’t, would be a person who doesn’t understand good behaviour”.
The prophet Muh}ammad (peace be upon him) also says that :
“The best women is when you (husband) look into her, she makes you happy, when you order her (to good things) she obeys, when you travel (away from home), she takes good care of your belongings as well as herself”.
The five basics of human rights according to fiqh (Islamic Law) which are shared by men and women equally are as followed :
1. Rights for physical safety.
2. Rights for safety of faith.
3. Rights for safety of the family / purity of offsprings.
4. Rights for personal property.
5. Rights for safety at work.
Verses or Islamic teachings which restrain women should be seen from the context in which they were revealed. The present condition is no longer the same as the time when they were revealed 14 centuries ago.
Awareness raising of women’s status and rights should be together to both men and women. Many men cannot respect women because of ignorance, prestige or egoism.
Two things at least should be done :
1. Increase women’s knowledge of their rights and responsibilities and;
2. Increase men and women’s quality.
Lack of knowledge causes narrow mindedness.
Referrences :
1. Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women : Drs. Masdar F. Mas’udi.
2. Islam and Women’s Rights : K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid.
3. Woman’s Kodrah vs Cultural Norm : DR. Quraisy Shihab.
4. The advancement of Woman’s Role : K.H. A. Wahid Zaini.
5. Woman’s Status and Leadership : K.H. Ali Yafie.
Montreal, July 3rd, 1997
Label:
gender,
muslim,
women's right in islam
The Contribution of Religious Groups to Indonesian Development with Special Reference to the Involvement of Muslim Women in the Political Process
Women’s religious groups in Indonesia have made an undeniable contribution over the years to national development, as may be seen from their activities on behalf of the people both before and after independence. Aisyiyah, for example has been playing a significant role in public affair since its birth in 1917. As the female wing of Muhammadiyah it has, in addition to its specific mandate, to support the policies of the parent body, especially in terms of political decisions. This shows a relative dependence which is in fact unavoidable. Its independence, however, lies especially in its socio-religious activities. Like Aisyiyah, the Muslimat and Fatayat movements of the Nahdlatul Ulama (the one directed at the maturer, the other at the younger generation of Muslim women), in spite of being autonomous bodies, face the same situation. Aisyiyah nevertheless took part in the establishment of the Kongres Perempuan Indonesia in 1928, while both Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU played an important role in the establishment of BMOIWI (Badan Musyawarah Organisasi Islam Wanita Indonesia, The Council of Indonesian Muslim Women’s Organizations) in 1967. Since 1956 (ten years after its establishment) Muslimat has also been active in KOWANI (Kongres Wanita Indonesia, The Indonesian Women’s Congress), while Fatayat NU joined the latter in the 1990.
In the time of the Old Order, Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular did not have the chance to make their particular abilities known to their male fellow citizens in the national political agenda. Their “conventional activities” were perhaps not yet recognized as a meaningful contribution to the country. They are still largely seen as peripheral. During the pre-independence era, women’s organizations operated outside the colonial system; therefore they had relatively the same objective as their male counterparts, which was Indonesian independence. In the post-independence era, however, they have become part of the political system, to which they are expected to lend their support; thus, in strengthening the existing system and they are forced to give up more of their freedom. The only exception to this trend was during the era of Liberal Democracy (Constitutional Democracy) from 1950 to 1957, when eighteen women were elected as members of the first Indonesian parliament: five from PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), four from Masyumi (Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, The Consultative Council for Indonesian Muslims), four from the Nahdlatul Ulama, one from the Indonesian Socialist Party and four from the Indonesian Nationalist Party.
At the present time we find Indonesian women participating at an increased level within the nation’s three main political parties : Golkar (The Functional Group), PPP (The United Development Party) and PDI (The Indonesian Democratic Party). Admittedly, in terms of quantity, there has been considerable improvement in the numbers of women, both in the General Assembly and the Parliament, although in terms of quality the contributions of women still fall short of the mark. Why? Because women are allowed to be involved, but generally only at subordinate or second-class levels, while the leadership is still dominated by male-oriented policies. As a matter of fact the percentage of female voters is higher than the male. This situation has naturally done little to help to bring women’s issues to the forefront. Ironically not a single party raises women’s issues as part of its platform.
Golongan Karya has always had women’s divisions at every level of its committees; however, it is obvious that they have relatively fewer strong women “politicians” than may be found in the PPP, such as Aisyah Amini (Wanita Islam), Asmah Syahruni (Muslimat NU) and Megawati Sukarnoputri (PDI, Muslim by birth). It might be noted here that the present representatives of Muslimat NU are Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi in Golkar, and Machfudlah Ali Ubaid in the PPP. It is important to note here that most Aisyiyah figures focus on academic life and a career in the civil sevice; therefore, the restrictions on being involved in political parties is unavoidable, which is why we find they are more involved in educational and social rather than political activities. We may mention in this connection Prof. Baroroh Baried and Prof. Maftukhah Yusuf, who are prominent Aisyiyah figures teaching at Gajahmada University and IKIP Jakarta.
Muslim women’s organisations have had to face other obstacles as well. In the time of the New Order for example,all Islamic parties were fused into one political party, the PPP. The government did not allow this group to use the term Islam. At this stage the Islamic party was tamed. But this strategy proved to be ineffective as a means of reducing Islamic influence. Allowed to retain the Ka’bah as its emblem, it was still able to secure the Muslim vote. In the 1982 general election the PPP still made a relatively strong showing against Golkar. The government however was not satisfied until it had compelled the Islamic party to renounce its religious principles and adopt the state ideology of Pancasila as its basic principle. The holy Ka’bah symbol was therefore replaced by a star. The PPP is therefore no longer officially a Muslim political federation, but an open party like any other.
As an example of how women are influenced by state policy, we may cite the example of the New Order’s policy of restructuring political life in Indonesia in 1972 by amalgamating political parties and strengthening its control over every mass organization, without exception. The women’s movement was also affected by this policy. In 1974 all women’s organizations within government and public institutions were replaced by government-sponsored organizations. Dharma Wanita was founded to replace all such organizations within the government itself while the wives’ organisations in the armed forces were replaced by Dharma Pertiwi. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) was also founded to control women in local administration. In the same year the government started to give funding to KOWANI, which resulted in the state’s gaining control over the latter. According to Sullivan, these organizations reinforced the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that had relegated women to the status of secondary citizens. In addition, the government placed more of a burden on women by reinforcing their dual role in the state guidelines (GBHN) of 1978, in which it is stated that women are expected to fulfil their “essential nature” as housewives and as educators of the younger generation. Despite the establishment of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (1978 with a deputy minister, and a full minister in 1983), there was some doubt as to the capabilities of this ministry to handle women’s issues.
These issues show us how the existing political system has obviously influenced the political attitude of Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular, e.g., from broad and open horizons to narrower objectives which are really of little assistance to them. Fortunately women are not simply passive victims of this kind of repression; indeed, they have struggled in many different ways to emerge from its influence. The constraints were transformed into challenges encouraging them to establish new women’s movements in the 1980s. Soendari identifies three types of the latter. The first included liberal women’s movements, such as Gerakan Kesadaran Perempuan (Women’s Consciousness Movement), Kelompok Kebangkitan Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Awakening Group), and Kalyanamitra. The second included NGO women’s movements which focused on the economic position of rural women, for example YASANTI (Yayasan Annisa Swasti). The third and last type included women students’ associations such as Forum Perempuan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Women’s Forum), Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity) and Yayasan Perempuan Mardhika (Association of Women’s Independence). A common goal of all these new movements was to search for a way to challenge the repressive New Order.
Muslim women in particular have been actively involved in the attempt to improve women’s status in the country. Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi mentions that prior to the emergence of marriage legislation in 1974, Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam and Aisyiyah contributed greatly to abolishing child marriage, which had been allowed by the former Islamic marriage legislation in accordance with fiqh. Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been involved in initiating the establishment of the Advisory Council on Marriages and Repudiations (Badan Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian), which aims to empower women before the courts. It has made a significant difference in this respect, especially for women in rural areas.
Muslimat NU and Aisyiyah have been active in pushing for higher learning for women, in providing health care centres and in improving earning capacity. In the educational sector Aisyiyah and Muslimat have established kindergartens throughout the country. They also provide vocational schools for girls, such as home economics schools, teacher’s colleges, schools for midwives, and nursing schools. In the health sector Muslimat and Aisyiyah are running maternity clinics and hospitals to assist women with pregnancy, family planning, and the pre- and post- natal health of mothers and babies. Fatayat NU, with its younger membership, focuses more on promoting the messages of Islamic teaching on women’s health issues and personal rights in preparation for marriage and afterwards. They provide gender awareness training, reproductive health training and leadership exercises. With the collaboration of the Indonesian government and UNICEF, Fatayat NU has succesfully trained about 5000 women in 16 provinces to be health motivators in child survival programs. Aisyiyah also has been active in this project. In the economic sector, three of these organizations provide Kelompok Bina Usaha, (Enterpreneur Group) programs which train women to improve their skills in home economics, marketing and accessing bank loans.
Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been active at the International Conference of Women (ICW) and the National Commission on the Status of Indonesian Women (KNKWI). Fatayat and Muslimat NU have established cooperative groups, known as Annisa, in collaboration with the Department of Cooperatives of the Republic of Indonesia. In July 1994, Muslimat and Fatayat NU, in conjunction with AIDAB (the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau), conducted training for fruit and vegetable traders, while Muslimat alone has been working with the Indosat corporation to provide loans for petty traders in Jakarta.
The 1990s have been a significant period for Muslim women in Indonesia. During the last decade new Muslim forums and groups have been established, and new Islamic books published which are much more favorable to women than had prevously been the case. Muslimat, Fatayat and IPPNU (The Association of NU Daughters) in Jakarta have, for instance, set up a joint forum on Islam and the advancement of women. In 1994 Pustaka Bandung publishers simultaneously published Indonesian translations of three books: Women in Islam, by Fatima Mernissi, Women in the Qur’an, by Aminah Wadud Muhsin, and Muslim Women and Social Pathology, by Mazhar al-Haq Khan. Indonesian women activists have also had an opportunity to engage in dialogue with Ashgar Ali Engineer, the author of The Rights of Women in Islam and Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani-American Muslim feminist who is constructing a new interpretation of the Qur’an from a woman’s perspective.
In this same era several female political figures have emerged, although education, economics, health and social welfare programs are still considered the most suitable fields for women. Educational programs aimed at women, for example, still place stress on non-formal education rather than non-traditional fields such as engineering or the physical and natural sciences. In addition, the conventional interpretation of the holy Qur’a>n and H}adi>th in regards to some women’s issues still dominates the field and does little to help improve the status of Muslim women.
On the other hand, there are many influential and prominent Islamic leaders who support the emergence of a more liberating interpretation of Islamic teachings. We may mention here Nurcholish Majid, Abdurrahman Wahid and others. Quraish Shihab, religious supervisor for the Islamic daily newpaper Republika, has played an important role in creating a new, modern and more acceptable interpretation of Islamic discourse concerning women’s issues. Fatayat NU working with Kalyanamitra and Masdar Farid Mas’udi has provided female santris in some provinces with training in gender awareness and reproductive health programs, projects that directly focus on actual women’s issues.
These developmentss tend to prove that the conventional interpretation of the Qur’a>n often misses the real intention of the text. Women today believe that the real intention of the scripture is to guarantee the equality of all humans and to indicate that all are the same before God. Those involved in such reformist efforts should look at the cultural and historical context, thus not only the context of Arabia in the seventh century but also the specific event for which a particular part of the Qur’a>n was revealed. Nurcholish Majid says that the Qur’a>n was never intended to be an absolute guide regulating every last detail of the believers life but rather was intended to be a revelation of God’s intended ideals and guiding principle for man. Abdurrahman Wahid remarks that the social teachings of Islam must be re-interpreted in accordance with the demands of a rapidly changing society and in response to modernity. Similarly, Johan Effendy is aware of the need for a fresh, new approach to understanding Islam in the context of Indonesian society in the twentieth century. He argues that ‘openness to new ideas and fresh ways of seeing was an inescapable requirement for the rational development of Islamic thought.’
Thus, according to some recent interpretations given by Indonesian thinkers, the Qur’a>n acknowledges that men and women are a safeguard for one another. This means that Islam recognizes that men and women are equal before God, that they have the same duties toward God and humankind alike, and enjoy rights and responsibilities in accordance with their position in society. Maftukhah Yusuf remarks that most Indonesian Muslim men are like men in other Muslim countries: they are not yet willing to give up their power and do not recognize the rights of women to exercise leadership. She proposes that the way to change this is to convince men that women’s leadership will not lessen the prestige of men’s leadership; rather, it will offer an alternative form of problem-solving that men’s leadership cannot achieve. She argues further that women themselves have to struggle to prove that they have the ability to be leaders. She also believes that present attitudes towards women are incompatible with the teachings of the Qur’a>n.
Despite her progressive thought on women, Maftukhah still maintains a conventional belief in the gender-based division of labour. She argues that although men and women are equal, they have different functions. She remarks that bringing up children and taking care of the household are a woman’s duties. However, in practice she often has her husband take care of the children, do the shopping, or cook while she is busy with her own work. She uses the rhetoric ‘my husband took over my responsibilities at home.’ The question is then, why does this prominent woman need to emphasize that she is a good housewife and mother? Maftukhah answers that women’s leadership can be accepted in male dominated society with some conditions. One of them is the ability of women to prove that they fulfil the characteristics of a ‘good woman,’ the criteria for which include believing in God, fulfilling one’s duties as a housewife and mother, and obeying one’s husband without reducing one’s dignity and independence.
As is indicated in some recent aoutobiographies many Muslim women are dissatisfied with their role of merely being wife and mother. Baroroh Barid for example argues that if a woman is merely acting as a housewife and mother it means that she is only playing one third of her role as a human being. She further says that Muslim women have responsibilities in their society and therefore should take greater part in public life.
The truth is that Islam assures both men and women the right to exercise leadership either in the family or in society. Kiyai Wahid Zaini remarks that Islam gives equal opportunity to both husband and wife to be the head of the family. He argues that the Islamic teachings on family leadership are complementary and points out that in Indonesia there has been a tradition whereby that husband and wife help each other, for example, when women work in the rice field or in the office their husbands take care of the children, a practice which is in line with Islamic teaching. Kiyai Ali Yafie firthermore has criticised the interpretation of the hadith that says: a group of people will not be successful if they are led by women.’ He notes that this hadi>th was in response to a controversy surrounding the succession in Persia, where on the death of the king the higher officials appointed his daughter to lead the country, a decision which in this case led to the kingdom’s ruin due to her lack of ability. The hadith was Prophet Muhammad’s comment on this particular issue and was never intended as a blanket injunction against women serving as leaders of society. The Qur’a>n mentions a wise woman ruler, queen Balqis (the queen of Sheba), for instance, in the period of the prophet Sulaiman.
Although Masdar F. Mas’udi and Quraish Shihab argue that the role of women as educators of children is very important, they encourage women to participate in public life. Masdar argues further that if a wife works for an income, the income belongs to her personally and need not be shared. Quraish Shihab also emphasises that the wife has a right to maintain her own property without the husband’s agreement. Commenting on a wife’s obligation to obey her husband, Ali Yafie argues that the husband’s consent is not absolute. For example, a wife who refuses to have sex with her husband is not automatically guilty of sin. If there is a ‘valid’ reason it is not opposed to the religious norm.
On the question of polygamy, the new discourse emphasizes the woman’s rights rather than the man’s. The wife’s opinion on this matter is absolutely vital, and the most important requirement of polygamy is justice. The Qur’a>n al-Nisa>’ 3 says that ‘If you fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, two, or three or four. But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hand possess. That will be more suitable to prevent you from doing injustice.’
Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar Farid Mas’udi both agree that justice here is to be defined not only from the husband’s view but also from the wife’s. The former argues that this verse means that it is the wife who should determine whether the husband is being just or not, while the latter says that we should look at the issue of polygamy in the context of its revelation. In the pre-Islamic period there were rich men and leaders of tribes who had countless wives. Therefore Islam’s limit of four wives was a revolutionary attitude for that time. In this era when monogamy is the norm, the strict requirement to have no more than one wife must be strengthened. Masdar believes that ‘if this requirement is carefully observed, there might be no men who can have polygamy.
It is very important to note here that more liberating discourse on women still circulates among only relatively few educated Indonesians. The fifty-six religious books on women’s issues analysed by Johan Meuleman support conventional discourses. The writing of most editorials and the supervision of religious or counselling columns in Islamic journals and newspapers are likewise still dominated by men.
Concluding remarks:
On the basis of the above explanation, one may tentatively conclude that the Indonesians seem to recognize the important role that women have to play in the development, at least at a cognitive level; however, in practice most social institutions do not optimize the agenda of women’s empowerment. Obviously they respect women‘s achievement in theory, and trumpet them in their development slogans but they nevertheless ignore them in political practice. Indonesians need to understand that women face a triple struggle: as backward citizens; as poor peasants and as women in the middle of a male-dominated society. Muslim women’s organizations especially Aisyiah, Muslimat and Fatayat NU need to support women physically and spiritually on the one hand and at the same time, while realizing the importance of their conventional ststus, challenge them with more selective activities of modern development.
Bibliography
Ali, Yusuf. The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Lahore: Presidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs, 1946.
Baidlowi, Aisyah Hamid. “Profil Organisasi Wanita Islam Indonesia: Studi Kasus Muslimat NU,” Unpublished paper, 1993.
Barid, Baroroh. “Islam and the Modernisation of Indonesian Women’ in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (eds) Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986.
Barton, Greg. “The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic Neo-modernism in Indonesia” in M. C. Ricklefs (ed.) Islam in the Indonesian Social Context, Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991.
-------. “The Beginning of Neo-Modernist Islamic Thought in Indonesia” Unpublished paper presented at the Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University 11 August, 1994.
-------. “The Impact of Neo Modernism on Indonesian Islamic Thought: The Emergence of a New Pluralism” in David Bourchier and John Legge (eds.) Democracy in Indonesia 1950s and 1990s Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.
Farid Mas’udi, Masdar “Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
------, Islam & Hak-hak Reproduksi Perempuan (Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan) Bandung: Mizan, 1997.
Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. “Engendering Democracy. A Reflection on the use of Women in New Order Indonesia,” Unpublished paper, presented at Conference on Indonesian Democracy, Monash University, Australia, 1992.
Massadiah et al. Srikandi: Sejumlah Wanita Indonesia Berprestasi . Ciptawidya: Jakarta, 1991.
Meuleman, Johan. “Analisis tentang buku-buku yang beredar di Indonesia,” paper presented at Seminar Wanita Islam Indonesia Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta 2-5 December 1991.
Pelita 22 July, 1994
Pimpinan Pusat Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangannya, no place, no date.
Pucuk Pimpinan Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Keputusan Kongres XI Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta, 1995.
Pucuk Pimpinan Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, Hsil Keputusan Rapat Kerja Nasional Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama Tahun 1992, Jakarta, 1993.
Shihab, Quraish. Membumikan Al-Qur’an: Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.
Soendari, “Potret Pergerakan Perempuan Indonesia: Berjuang melawan kediktaturan Orde Baru” Progres Vol. 1 No. 3. (1991): 17-20.
Sullivan, Norma. “Gender and Politics in Indonesia” in Maila Stevens (ed.) Why gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Monash Paper on Southeast Asia No. 23, 1991.
Tan, Mely G. (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Wertheim, W. “Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality in BB Hering (ed.) Studies on Indonesian Islam, Townsville, James Cook University of Nort Queensland, 1986.
Woodcroft-Lee, Carlen Patricia. ”Separate but Equal: Indonesian Muslim Perceptions of the Roles of Women” in Leonor Manderson (ed.) Women’s Work and Roles in Everyday Life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Canberra, ANU, 1983, 174.
Yafie, Ali. “Women’s Status and Leadership” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
Yusuf, Maftukhah. “Kepemimpinan Perempuan: Pemikiran Seorang Muslimat” in Mely G. Tan (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Zaini. Wahid .‘The Advancement of Women’s Role’ in Islam and The Advancement of Women, Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
*The Contribution of Religious Group
Paper for Icmi Conference Montreal May 10-12, 1999 by Sri Mulyati
In the time of the Old Order, Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular did not have the chance to make their particular abilities known to their male fellow citizens in the national political agenda. Their “conventional activities” were perhaps not yet recognized as a meaningful contribution to the country. They are still largely seen as peripheral. During the pre-independence era, women’s organizations operated outside the colonial system; therefore they had relatively the same objective as their male counterparts, which was Indonesian independence. In the post-independence era, however, they have become part of the political system, to which they are expected to lend their support; thus, in strengthening the existing system and they are forced to give up more of their freedom. The only exception to this trend was during the era of Liberal Democracy (Constitutional Democracy) from 1950 to 1957, when eighteen women were elected as members of the first Indonesian parliament: five from PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), four from Masyumi (Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, The Consultative Council for Indonesian Muslims), four from the Nahdlatul Ulama, one from the Indonesian Socialist Party and four from the Indonesian Nationalist Party.
At the present time we find Indonesian women participating at an increased level within the nation’s three main political parties : Golkar (The Functional Group), PPP (The United Development Party) and PDI (The Indonesian Democratic Party). Admittedly, in terms of quantity, there has been considerable improvement in the numbers of women, both in the General Assembly and the Parliament, although in terms of quality the contributions of women still fall short of the mark. Why? Because women are allowed to be involved, but generally only at subordinate or second-class levels, while the leadership is still dominated by male-oriented policies. As a matter of fact the percentage of female voters is higher than the male. This situation has naturally done little to help to bring women’s issues to the forefront. Ironically not a single party raises women’s issues as part of its platform.
Golongan Karya has always had women’s divisions at every level of its committees; however, it is obvious that they have relatively fewer strong women “politicians” than may be found in the PPP, such as Aisyah Amini (Wanita Islam), Asmah Syahruni (Muslimat NU) and Megawati Sukarnoputri (PDI, Muslim by birth). It might be noted here that the present representatives of Muslimat NU are Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi in Golkar, and Machfudlah Ali Ubaid in the PPP. It is important to note here that most Aisyiyah figures focus on academic life and a career in the civil sevice; therefore, the restrictions on being involved in political parties is unavoidable, which is why we find they are more involved in educational and social rather than political activities. We may mention in this connection Prof. Baroroh Baried and Prof. Maftukhah Yusuf, who are prominent Aisyiyah figures teaching at Gajahmada University and IKIP Jakarta.
Muslim women’s organisations have had to face other obstacles as well. In the time of the New Order for example,all Islamic parties were fused into one political party, the PPP. The government did not allow this group to use the term Islam. At this stage the Islamic party was tamed. But this strategy proved to be ineffective as a means of reducing Islamic influence. Allowed to retain the Ka’bah as its emblem, it was still able to secure the Muslim vote. In the 1982 general election the PPP still made a relatively strong showing against Golkar. The government however was not satisfied until it had compelled the Islamic party to renounce its religious principles and adopt the state ideology of Pancasila as its basic principle. The holy Ka’bah symbol was therefore replaced by a star. The PPP is therefore no longer officially a Muslim political federation, but an open party like any other.
As an example of how women are influenced by state policy, we may cite the example of the New Order’s policy of restructuring political life in Indonesia in 1972 by amalgamating political parties and strengthening its control over every mass organization, without exception. The women’s movement was also affected by this policy. In 1974 all women’s organizations within government and public institutions were replaced by government-sponsored organizations. Dharma Wanita was founded to replace all such organizations within the government itself while the wives’ organisations in the armed forces were replaced by Dharma Pertiwi. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) was also founded to control women in local administration. In the same year the government started to give funding to KOWANI, which resulted in the state’s gaining control over the latter. According to Sullivan, these organizations reinforced the patriarchal ideology of the New Order that had relegated women to the status of secondary citizens. In addition, the government placed more of a burden on women by reinforcing their dual role in the state guidelines (GBHN) of 1978, in which it is stated that women are expected to fulfil their “essential nature” as housewives and as educators of the younger generation. Despite the establishment of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (1978 with a deputy minister, and a full minister in 1983), there was some doubt as to the capabilities of this ministry to handle women’s issues.
These issues show us how the existing political system has obviously influenced the political attitude of Indonesian women in general and Muslim women in particular, e.g., from broad and open horizons to narrower objectives which are really of little assistance to them. Fortunately women are not simply passive victims of this kind of repression; indeed, they have struggled in many different ways to emerge from its influence. The constraints were transformed into challenges encouraging them to establish new women’s movements in the 1980s. Soendari identifies three types of the latter. The first included liberal women’s movements, such as Gerakan Kesadaran Perempuan (Women’s Consciousness Movement), Kelompok Kebangkitan Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Awakening Group), and Kalyanamitra. The second included NGO women’s movements which focused on the economic position of rural women, for example YASANTI (Yayasan Annisa Swasti). The third and last type included women students’ associations such as Forum Perempuan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Women’s Forum), Solidaritas Perempuan (Women’s Solidarity) and Yayasan Perempuan Mardhika (Association of Women’s Independence). A common goal of all these new movements was to search for a way to challenge the repressive New Order.
Muslim women in particular have been actively involved in the attempt to improve women’s status in the country. Aisyah Hamid Baidlowi mentions that prior to the emergence of marriage legislation in 1974, Muslimat NU, Wanita Islam and Aisyiyah contributed greatly to abolishing child marriage, which had been allowed by the former Islamic marriage legislation in accordance with fiqh. Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been involved in initiating the establishment of the Advisory Council on Marriages and Repudiations (Badan Penasehat Perkawinan dan Penyelesaian Perceraian), which aims to empower women before the courts. It has made a significant difference in this respect, especially for women in rural areas.
Muslimat NU and Aisyiyah have been active in pushing for higher learning for women, in providing health care centres and in improving earning capacity. In the educational sector Aisyiyah and Muslimat have established kindergartens throughout the country. They also provide vocational schools for girls, such as home economics schools, teacher’s colleges, schools for midwives, and nursing schools. In the health sector Muslimat and Aisyiyah are running maternity clinics and hospitals to assist women with pregnancy, family planning, and the pre- and post- natal health of mothers and babies. Fatayat NU, with its younger membership, focuses more on promoting the messages of Islamic teaching on women’s health issues and personal rights in preparation for marriage and afterwards. They provide gender awareness training, reproductive health training and leadership exercises. With the collaboration of the Indonesian government and UNICEF, Fatayat NU has succesfully trained about 5000 women in 16 provinces to be health motivators in child survival programs. Aisyiyah also has been active in this project. In the economic sector, three of these organizations provide Kelompok Bina Usaha, (Enterpreneur Group) programs which train women to improve their skills in home economics, marketing and accessing bank loans.
Aisyiyah and Muslimat NU have also been active at the International Conference of Women (ICW) and the National Commission on the Status of Indonesian Women (KNKWI). Fatayat and Muslimat NU have established cooperative groups, known as Annisa, in collaboration with the Department of Cooperatives of the Republic of Indonesia. In July 1994, Muslimat and Fatayat NU, in conjunction with AIDAB (the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau), conducted training for fruit and vegetable traders, while Muslimat alone has been working with the Indosat corporation to provide loans for petty traders in Jakarta.
The 1990s have been a significant period for Muslim women in Indonesia. During the last decade new Muslim forums and groups have been established, and new Islamic books published which are much more favorable to women than had prevously been the case. Muslimat, Fatayat and IPPNU (The Association of NU Daughters) in Jakarta have, for instance, set up a joint forum on Islam and the advancement of women. In 1994 Pustaka Bandung publishers simultaneously published Indonesian translations of three books: Women in Islam, by Fatima Mernissi, Women in the Qur’an, by Aminah Wadud Muhsin, and Muslim Women and Social Pathology, by Mazhar al-Haq Khan. Indonesian women activists have also had an opportunity to engage in dialogue with Ashgar Ali Engineer, the author of The Rights of Women in Islam and Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani-American Muslim feminist who is constructing a new interpretation of the Qur’an from a woman’s perspective.
In this same era several female political figures have emerged, although education, economics, health and social welfare programs are still considered the most suitable fields for women. Educational programs aimed at women, for example, still place stress on non-formal education rather than non-traditional fields such as engineering or the physical and natural sciences. In addition, the conventional interpretation of the holy Qur’a>n and H}adi>th in regards to some women’s issues still dominates the field and does little to help improve the status of Muslim women.
On the other hand, there are many influential and prominent Islamic leaders who support the emergence of a more liberating interpretation of Islamic teachings. We may mention here Nurcholish Majid, Abdurrahman Wahid and others. Quraish Shihab, religious supervisor for the Islamic daily newpaper Republika, has played an important role in creating a new, modern and more acceptable interpretation of Islamic discourse concerning women’s issues. Fatayat NU working with Kalyanamitra and Masdar Farid Mas’udi has provided female santris in some provinces with training in gender awareness and reproductive health programs, projects that directly focus on actual women’s issues.
These developmentss tend to prove that the conventional interpretation of the Qur’a>n often misses the real intention of the text. Women today believe that the real intention of the scripture is to guarantee the equality of all humans and to indicate that all are the same before God. Those involved in such reformist efforts should look at the cultural and historical context, thus not only the context of Arabia in the seventh century but also the specific event for which a particular part of the Qur’a>n was revealed. Nurcholish Majid says that the Qur’a>n was never intended to be an absolute guide regulating every last detail of the believers life but rather was intended to be a revelation of God’s intended ideals and guiding principle for man. Abdurrahman Wahid remarks that the social teachings of Islam must be re-interpreted in accordance with the demands of a rapidly changing society and in response to modernity. Similarly, Johan Effendy is aware of the need for a fresh, new approach to understanding Islam in the context of Indonesian society in the twentieth century. He argues that ‘openness to new ideas and fresh ways of seeing was an inescapable requirement for the rational development of Islamic thought.’
Thus, according to some recent interpretations given by Indonesian thinkers, the Qur’a>n acknowledges that men and women are a safeguard for one another. This means that Islam recognizes that men and women are equal before God, that they have the same duties toward God and humankind alike, and enjoy rights and responsibilities in accordance with their position in society. Maftukhah Yusuf remarks that most Indonesian Muslim men are like men in other Muslim countries: they are not yet willing to give up their power and do not recognize the rights of women to exercise leadership. She proposes that the way to change this is to convince men that women’s leadership will not lessen the prestige of men’s leadership; rather, it will offer an alternative form of problem-solving that men’s leadership cannot achieve. She argues further that women themselves have to struggle to prove that they have the ability to be leaders. She also believes that present attitudes towards women are incompatible with the teachings of the Qur’a>n.
Despite her progressive thought on women, Maftukhah still maintains a conventional belief in the gender-based division of labour. She argues that although men and women are equal, they have different functions. She remarks that bringing up children and taking care of the household are a woman’s duties. However, in practice she often has her husband take care of the children, do the shopping, or cook while she is busy with her own work. She uses the rhetoric ‘my husband took over my responsibilities at home.’ The question is then, why does this prominent woman need to emphasize that she is a good housewife and mother? Maftukhah answers that women’s leadership can be accepted in male dominated society with some conditions. One of them is the ability of women to prove that they fulfil the characteristics of a ‘good woman,’ the criteria for which include believing in God, fulfilling one’s duties as a housewife and mother, and obeying one’s husband without reducing one’s dignity and independence.
As is indicated in some recent aoutobiographies many Muslim women are dissatisfied with their role of merely being wife and mother. Baroroh Barid for example argues that if a woman is merely acting as a housewife and mother it means that she is only playing one third of her role as a human being. She further says that Muslim women have responsibilities in their society and therefore should take greater part in public life.
The truth is that Islam assures both men and women the right to exercise leadership either in the family or in society. Kiyai Wahid Zaini remarks that Islam gives equal opportunity to both husband and wife to be the head of the family. He argues that the Islamic teachings on family leadership are complementary and points out that in Indonesia there has been a tradition whereby that husband and wife help each other, for example, when women work in the rice field or in the office their husbands take care of the children, a practice which is in line with Islamic teaching. Kiyai Ali Yafie firthermore has criticised the interpretation of the hadith that says: a group of people will not be successful if they are led by women.’ He notes that this hadi>th was in response to a controversy surrounding the succession in Persia, where on the death of the king the higher officials appointed his daughter to lead the country, a decision which in this case led to the kingdom’s ruin due to her lack of ability. The hadith was Prophet Muhammad’s comment on this particular issue and was never intended as a blanket injunction against women serving as leaders of society. The Qur’a>n mentions a wise woman ruler, queen Balqis (the queen of Sheba), for instance, in the period of the prophet Sulaiman.
Although Masdar F. Mas’udi and Quraish Shihab argue that the role of women as educators of children is very important, they encourage women to participate in public life. Masdar argues further that if a wife works for an income, the income belongs to her personally and need not be shared. Quraish Shihab also emphasises that the wife has a right to maintain her own property without the husband’s agreement. Commenting on a wife’s obligation to obey her husband, Ali Yafie argues that the husband’s consent is not absolute. For example, a wife who refuses to have sex with her husband is not automatically guilty of sin. If there is a ‘valid’ reason it is not opposed to the religious norm.
On the question of polygamy, the new discourse emphasizes the woman’s rights rather than the man’s. The wife’s opinion on this matter is absolutely vital, and the most important requirement of polygamy is justice. The Qur’a>n al-Nisa>’ 3 says that ‘If you fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, two, or three or four. But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hand possess. That will be more suitable to prevent you from doing injustice.’
Abdurrahman Wahid and Masdar Farid Mas’udi both agree that justice here is to be defined not only from the husband’s view but also from the wife’s. The former argues that this verse means that it is the wife who should determine whether the husband is being just or not, while the latter says that we should look at the issue of polygamy in the context of its revelation. In the pre-Islamic period there were rich men and leaders of tribes who had countless wives. Therefore Islam’s limit of four wives was a revolutionary attitude for that time. In this era when monogamy is the norm, the strict requirement to have no more than one wife must be strengthened. Masdar believes that ‘if this requirement is carefully observed, there might be no men who can have polygamy.
It is very important to note here that more liberating discourse on women still circulates among only relatively few educated Indonesians. The fifty-six religious books on women’s issues analysed by Johan Meuleman support conventional discourses. The writing of most editorials and the supervision of religious or counselling columns in Islamic journals and newspapers are likewise still dominated by men.
Concluding remarks:
On the basis of the above explanation, one may tentatively conclude that the Indonesians seem to recognize the important role that women have to play in the development, at least at a cognitive level; however, in practice most social institutions do not optimize the agenda of women’s empowerment. Obviously they respect women‘s achievement in theory, and trumpet them in their development slogans but they nevertheless ignore them in political practice. Indonesians need to understand that women face a triple struggle: as backward citizens; as poor peasants and as women in the middle of a male-dominated society. Muslim women’s organizations especially Aisyiah, Muslimat and Fatayat NU need to support women physically and spiritually on the one hand and at the same time, while realizing the importance of their conventional ststus, challenge them with more selective activities of modern development.
Bibliography
Ali, Yusuf. The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary, Lahore: Presidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs, 1946.
Baidlowi, Aisyah Hamid. “Profil Organisasi Wanita Islam Indonesia: Studi Kasus Muslimat NU,” Unpublished paper, 1993.
Barid, Baroroh. “Islam and the Modernisation of Indonesian Women’ in Taufik Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (eds) Islam and Society in Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986.
Barton, Greg. “The International Context of the Emergence of Islamic Neo-modernism in Indonesia” in M. C. Ricklefs (ed.) Islam in the Indonesian Social Context, Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1991.
-------. “The Beginning of Neo-Modernist Islamic Thought in Indonesia” Unpublished paper presented at the Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University 11 August, 1994.
-------. “The Impact of Neo Modernism on Indonesian Islamic Thought: The Emergence of a New Pluralism” in David Bourchier and John Legge (eds.) Democracy in Indonesia 1950s and 1990s Clayton, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994.
Farid Mas’udi, Masdar “Reinterpreting Islamic Teaching on Women” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
------, Islam & Hak-hak Reproduksi Perempuan (Dialog Fiqih Pemberdayaan) Bandung: Mizan, 1997.
Katjasungkana, Nursyahbani. “Engendering Democracy. A Reflection on the use of Women in New Order Indonesia,” Unpublished paper, presented at Conference on Indonesian Democracy, Monash University, Australia, 1992.
Massadiah et al. Srikandi: Sejumlah Wanita Indonesia Berprestasi . Ciptawidya: Jakarta, 1991.
Meuleman, Johan. “Analisis tentang buku-buku yang beredar di Indonesia,” paper presented at Seminar Wanita Islam Indonesia Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta 2-5 December 1991.
Pelita 22 July, 1994
Pimpinan Pusat Aisyiyah, Sejarah Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangannya, no place, no date.
Pucuk Pimpinan Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Keputusan Kongres XI Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta, 1995.
Pucuk Pimpinan Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, Hsil Keputusan Rapat Kerja Nasional Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama Tahun 1992, Jakarta, 1993.
Shihab, Quraish. Membumikan Al-Qur’an: Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.
Soendari, “Potret Pergerakan Perempuan Indonesia: Berjuang melawan kediktaturan Orde Baru” Progres Vol. 1 No. 3. (1991): 17-20.
Sullivan, Norma. “Gender and Politics in Indonesia” in Maila Stevens (ed.) Why gender Matters in Southeast Asian Politics. Monash Paper on Southeast Asia No. 23, 1991.
Tan, Mely G. (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Wertheim, W. “Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality in BB Hering (ed.) Studies on Indonesian Islam, Townsville, James Cook University of Nort Queensland, 1986.
Woodcroft-Lee, Carlen Patricia. ”Separate but Equal: Indonesian Muslim Perceptions of the Roles of Women” in Leonor Manderson (ed.) Women’s Work and Roles in Everyday Life in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Canberra, ANU, 1983, 174.
Yafie, Ali. “Women’s Status and Leadership” in Islam and the Advancement of Women , Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
Yusuf, Maftukhah. “Kepemimpinan Perempuan: Pemikiran Seorang Muslimat” in Mely G. Tan (ed) Perempuan Indonesia: Pemimpin Masa Depan? Jakarta: Martina Berto, 1991.
Zaini. Wahid .‘The Advancement of Women’s Role’ in Islam and The Advancement of Women, Jakarta: The Forum for Islam and the Advancement of Women, 1994.
*The Contribution of Religious Group
Paper for Icmi Conference Montreal May 10-12, 1999 by Sri Mulyati
Label:
empowerment,
gender,
islam,
politic,
women in islam
Langganan:
Postingan (Atom)